a b s t r a c tIn cognition, audition, and somatosensation, performance strongly correlates between different paradigms, which suggests the existence of common factors. In contrast, visual performance in seemingly very similar tasks, such as visual and bisection acuity, are hardly related, i.e., pairwise correlations between performance levels are low even though test-retest reliability is high. Here we show similar results for visual illusions. Consistent with previous findings, we found significant correlations between the illusion magnitude of the Ebbinghaus and Ponzo illusions, but this relationship was the only significant correlation out of 15 further comparisons. Similarly, we found a significant link for the Ponzo illusion with both mental imagery and cognitive disorganization. However, most other correlations between illusions and personality were not significant. The findings suggest that vision is highly specific, i.e., there is no common factor. While this proposal does not exclude strong and stable associations between certain illusions and between certain illusions and personality traits, these associations seem to be the exception rather than the rule.
In crowding, perception of an object deteriorates in the presence of nearby elements. Although crowding is a ubiquitous phenomenon, since elements are rarely seen in isolation, to date there exists no consensus on how to model it. Previous experiments showed that the global configuration of the entire stimulus must be taken into account. These findings rule out simple pooling or substitution models and favor models sensitive to global spatial aspects. In order to investigate how to incorporate global aspects into models, we tested a large number of models with a database of forty stimuli tailored for the global aspects of crowding. Our results show that incorporating grouping like components strongly improves model performance.
In crowding, perception of a target usually deteriorates when flanking elements are presented next to the target. Surprisingly, adding further flankers can lead to a release from crowding. In previous work we showed that, for example, vernier offset discrimination at 9° of eccentricity deteriorated when a vernier was embedded in a square. Adding further squares improved performance. The more squares presented, the better the performance, extending across 20° of the visual field. Here, we show that very similar results hold true for shapes other than squares, including unfamiliar, irregular shapes. Hence, uncrowding is not restricted to simple and familiar shapes. Our results provoke the question of whether any type of shape is represented at any location in the visual field. Moreover, small changes in the orientation of the flanking shapes led to strong increases in crowding strength. Hence, highly specific shape-specific interactions across large parts of the visual field determine vernier acuity.
In cognition, common factors play a crucial role. For example, different types of intelligence are highly correlated, pointing to a common factor, which is often called g. One might expect that a similar common factor would also exist for vision. Surprisingly, no one in the field has addressed this issue. Here, we provide the first evidence that there is no common factor for vision. We tested 40 healthy students’ performance in six basic visual paradigms: visual acuity, vernier discrimination,two visual backward masking paradigms, Gabor detection, and bisection discrimination. One might expect that performance levels on these tasks would be highly correlated because some individuals generally have better vision than others due to superior optics,better retinal or cortical processing, or enriched visual experience. However, only four out of 15 correlations were significant, two of which were nontrivial. These results cannot be explained by high intraobserver variability or ceiling effects because test–retest reliability was high and the variance in our student population is commensurate with that from other studies with well sighted populations. Using a variety of tests (e.g., principal components analysis, Bayes theorem, test–retest reliability), we show the robustness of our null results. We suggest that neuroplasticity operates during everyday experience to generate marked individual differences. Our results apply only to the normally sighted population (i.e., restricted range sampling). For the entire population, including those with degenerate vision, we expect different results.
In classical models of object recognition, first, basic features (e.g., edges and lines) are analyzed by independent filters that mimic the receptive field profiles of V1 neurons. In a feedforward fashion, the outputs of these filters are fed to filters at the next processing stage, pooling information across several filters from the previous level, and so forth at subsequent processing stages. Low-level processing determines high-level processing. Information lost on lower stages is irretrievably lost. Models of this type have proven to be very successful in many fields of vision, but have failed to explain object recognition in general. Here, we present experiments that, first, show that, similar to demonstrations from the Gestaltists, figural aspects determine low-level processing (as much as the other way around). Second, performance on a single element depends on all the other elements in the visual scene. Small changes in the overall configuration can lead to large changes in performance. Third, grouping of elements is key. Only if we know how elements group across the entire visual field, can we determine performance on individual elements, i.e., challenging the classical stereotypical filtering approach, which is at the very heart of most vision models.
Experimentalists tend to classify models of visual perception as being either local or global, and involving either feedforward or feedback processing. We argue that these distinctions are not as helpful as they might appear, and we illustrate these issues by analyzing models of visual crowding as an example. Recent studies have argued that crowding cannot be explained by purely local processing, but that instead, global factors such as perceptual grouping are crucial. Theories of perceptual grouping, in turn, often invoke feedback connections as a way to account for their global properties. We examined three types of crowding models that are representative of global processing models, and two of which employ feedback processing: a model based on Fourier filtering, a feedback neural network, and a specific feedback neural architecture that explicitly models perceptual grouping. Simulations demonstrate that crucial empirical findings are not accounted for by any of the models. We conclude that empirical investigations that reject a local or feedforward architecture offer almost no constraints for model construction, as there are an uncountable number of global and feedback systems. We propose that the identification of a system as being local or global and feedforward or feedback is less important than the identification of a system's computational details. Only the latter information can provide constraints on model development and promote quantitative explanations of complex phenomena.
This book is an open access publication.
Many of the decisions we make in our everyday lives are sequential and entail sparse rewards. While sequential decision-making has been extensively investigated in theory (e.g., by reinforcement learning models) there is no systematic experimental paradigm to test it. Here, we developed such a paradigm and investigated key components of reinforcement learning models: the eligibility trace (i.e., the memory trace of previous decision steps), the external reward, and the ability to exploit the statistics of the environment's structure (model-free vs. model-based mechanisms). We show that the eligibility trace decays not with sheer time, but rather with the number of discrete decision steps made by the participants. We further show that, unexpectedly, neither monetary rewards nor the environment's spatial regularity significantly modulate behavioral performance. Finally, we found that model-free learning algorithms describe human performance better than model-based algorithms.
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