Young Women, Work, and Family in England 1918-1950

Todd, Selina

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199282753.001.0001

Cited by 118 publications

(12 citation statements)

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“…Walkowitz, 1982;Pilcher and Wagg, 1996) and as pioneers of economic development or consumerism (e.g. Cogan, 1989;Todd, 2005). Enduring continuities in the discursive construction of women and girls (e.g.…”

Section: Good Girls In the Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

From the Girl to the World: Good Girls as Political Endorsers and Agents of Change

Biressi

2018

Communication, Culture and Critique

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This article explores the ways in which "good girls" have been drawn into political discourse since the 1990s and how they are figured as political endorsers and as agents of change. Girls are increasingly addressed as active subjects and future citizens. In a postfeminist context they are regarded as entrepreneurial and self-motivated; constructed as pioneers of progress through protocols activating the "feminisation of responsibility". Girls are also increasingly prominent as advocates of social reform through their own deployment of social media. It seems then that girls are, in many ways, central to the political scene. Through an examination of good girl figures including Jackie Evancho and Malala Yousafzai this article explores how politicians and political discourse work to harness the voices of girls, to co-opt their youthful promise and to extract symbolic capital from association with them. The overall argument is that girls' assumed future success becomes (mis)represented in political discourse as evidence of progress which is always achievable and soon to be attained by all.

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Section: Good Girls In the Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

From the Girl to the World: Good Girls as Political Endorsers and Agents of Change

Biressi

2018

Communication, Culture and Critique

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“…50 Holtby comments here upon the significance of the commute to affordable luxury and leisure for Yorkshire women like Lily who lived outside the urban arena. As Selina Todd has shown, for rural England, the 1920s and 1930s 'was less markedly a period of affluence and leisure' , 51 where depressed economies affected businesses like Lily and Tom's pub, and where a 'perceived cultural difference' 52 existed in relation to commercial leisure consumption between town and country. Women could thus seek leisure opportunities in the commute to the city space, and Holtby's descriptions of cinema sites and women's ways of using them map the rural and urban movement of many Yorkshire women as cinemagoers in a heavily rural region.…”

Section: Women's Cinemagoing In Interwar Yorkshirementioning

confidence: 99%

‘The big romance’: Winifred Holtby and the fictionalisation of women's cinemagoing in interwar Yorkshire

Stead¹

2013

Women's History Review

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This article explores fictive accounts of women’s cinemagoing in Winifred Holtby’s middlebrow interwar literature. The article looks at the ways in which Holtby’s writing engaged with notions of female self-fashioning in relation to screen fictions through her novels The Crowded Street (1924) and South Riding: an English land- scape (1936). More specifically, the article explores how Holtby’s novels present a con- sideration of cinema’s influence upon women’s lives and selfhoods as mediated through local and regional contexts of reception in her descriptions of rural and urban Yorkshire. The article begins by examining the practice of cinemagoing for women in Yorkshire during the interwar years, and moves to explore the contribution of cinema to cultural representations of femininity in this period, considering the ways in which Holtby used middlebrow fiction to actively critique cinema’s more negative representations, whilst shaping a defence of women and cinema more generally within British interwar modernity

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“…24 Selina Todd's research demonstrates how paid employment helped define the identity of young women in the interwar period, when labor force participation rates among women between ages fifteen and twenty-four rose from 63 percent to 69 percent between 1921 and 1931. 25 In 1938, just over 55 percent of the female labor force was employed in manufacturing, many in the new consumer goods industries. 26 Health advice directed toward these young working women urged a holistic approach to health, advocating exercise, recreation, healthy eating, and sensible dress.…”

Section: Longmentioning

confidence: 99%

Industrial Homes, Domestic Factories: The Convergence of Public and Private Space in Interwar Britain

Long¹

2011

J. Br. Stud.

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Browsing through interwar editions of Industrial Welfare, 1 a journal which represented the interests of industrial welfare supervisors, one might easily in a moment of lapsed concentration imagine that it was a home and garden journal. Interspersed with articles on sports and timekeeping are numerous pieces extolling the virtues of model companies, illustrated with photographs of factory kitchens, gardens, dining rooms, restrooms and bathrooms. These images of upholstered chairs, artwork, flowers, tablecloths, beds and curtains represent the factory environment not as a site of industrial production but as an idealized middle-class home. In Britain, this vision of the 'homely' factory-a term deployed to connote a sense of coziness and to evoke the atmosphere of the domestic home-was promoted by women factory inspectors, industrial welfare supervisors, companies and advertisers seeking to reconcile modernity with tradition, to imbue mass-produced goods with an individualized hand-crafted aura, and to resolve industrial labor problems. Its origins can be traced back to the nineteenth century, when reformers from a range of social and political persuasions protested that workers had become alienated by the scale of industrial production and the subdivision of the labor process and were manifesting their discontent in disorderly conduct, apathy and industrial "warfare ." Amongst these critics of the factory system of production were John Ruskin and William Morris, pioneers of the Arts and Crafts movement which repudiated the mass-production aesthetic and sought to imbue both labor and its end products with creativity. In his 1853 essay, "The Nature of the Gothic," published in The Stones of Venice, John Ruskin railed against the "degradation of the operative into a machine" whose "fingers measure degrees like cogwheels ." To avoid social upheaval, Ruskin demanded an end to the mass-production of fripperies, advocating the production and consumption of handcrafted goods, which would constitute a "healthy and ennobling labour" by providing workers with a creative outlet. 2 In the late Victorian era, as Amy Woodson-Boulton has demonstrated, Ruskin's critique proved instrumental in the establishment of museums and art galleries. Art reformers believed that art could communicate beauty and morality through the representation of nature and viewed galleries as a rational form of recreation which could tame emotion and calm industrial discontent. 3 While Ruskin believed the industrial system of production to be beyond redemption, William Morris outlined his utopian vision of a socialist factory of the future, "a true palace of industry," which would reincorporate beauty and creativity within industrial production, as he wrote in 1884. Morris' idealized factory would combine industrial workspace with other facilities and social spaces: a dining hall, a library, a school, and "the highest and most intellectual art, pictures, sculpture" and "gardens as beautiful… as those of Alcinous." 4 In practice, Morris found it difficult ...

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Young Women, Work, and Family in England 1918-1950

Cited by 118 publications

References 0 publications

From the Girl to the World: Good Girls as Political Endorsers and Agents of Change

From the Girl to the World: Good Girls as Political Endorsers and Agents of Change

‘The big romance’: Winifred Holtby and the fictionalisation of women's cinemagoing in interwar Yorkshire

Industrial Homes, Domestic Factories: The Convergence of Public and Private Space in Interwar Britain

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