Abstract:and Pakistan -and the global mountain community. Founded in 1983, ICIMOD is based in Kathmandu, Nepal, and brings together a partnership of regional member countries, partner institutions, and donors with a commitment for development action to secure a better future for the people and environment of the extended Himalayan region. ICIMOD's activities are supported by its core programme donors: the governments of Austria,
“…An account of the assemblage or network of practices around the river 'waterscape' [69] that defined the environmental ethics of sustainability (moral ecology) for Bote and their interaction with the state is a pre-requisite to move towards an environmentally just conservation and development model [85]. In what follows, we describe the way traditional practices were embedded in human-nature relations and how state modernization disrupted and disentangled these relations.…”
Section: Results: Traditional Livelihoods and The Environmental Ethic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Living in close proximity to the Majhi they are often considered a combined ethnic group but are ethnolinguistically distinct. Jana [85] provides a history of the Bote in the CNP alongside the Majihi and Musahar (related forest-dwelling and fishing communities) and their attempts at environmental justice and the gradual exclusion of such groups from traditional livelihood activities. Paudel [34] also reports that after the eradication of malaria in the 1950s, the hill people from central Nepal migrated to Terai and captured private farmland and communal forest land in CNP that had been used by the indigenous groups.…”
Section: Bote Peoplementioning
confidence: 99%
“…As elsewhere in most parts of the globe, the eviction of Bote from riverine indigenous livelihoods on access to ancestral lands has not only threatened their survival but also their indigenous ecological knowledge, kinship systems, culture, and religion, transforming them from independent to dependent and poor communities. While outlawing local practices, government and park officials have provided unsatisfactory substitutes, including livelihood options, and failed to ensure land rights in what were previously jointly managed commons [1, 85,94].…”
Section: Precarious Livelihoods For Smallholders and Wildlife Incursionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Conservation and development rights conflict particularly in fishing practices, which have not only been restricted but have created unsustainable outcomes such as overfishing, use of nylon nets, financial penalties, and other negative livelihood outcomes [30,80,84,85].…”
The conflict between development and conservation concerns is a perennial topic in sustainable development, and especially significant for marginalized social groups. In Nepal, fortress conservation in protected areas (PA) gave way to a community-based development and natural resource management (CBNRM) narrative of inclusion and participation in so-called buffer zone (BZ) initiatives around national parks. Studies to date show mixed outcomes of the community-based model for marginalized communities, especially for traditional indigenous river and forest dwellers. Academic and government reports of successes and failures of community-based projects in Nepal assume progress is based on traditional indigenous livelihood practices being abandoned and participation in state modernization initiatives in parks and reserves. Thus, despite promises of participation, evidence to date shows a de facto continuation of fortress conservation thinking and erasure of customary knowledge and livelihoods. Based on an ethnographic inquiry informed by political ecology conducted in two villages of Bote IPs (in the buffer zone area) of the Nawalparasi District of Chitwan National Park (CNP), we describe how state interventions and regulations under the guise of community-based participation actively ignore the moral ecology of traditional riverine livelihoods while pursuing a modernization project. Echoing calls by other scholars and stakeholders, we argue that a new approach to conservation and development that respects the environmental ethics of traditional livelihoods is long overdue in Nepal.
“…An account of the assemblage or network of practices around the river 'waterscape' [69] that defined the environmental ethics of sustainability (moral ecology) for Bote and their interaction with the state is a pre-requisite to move towards an environmentally just conservation and development model [85]. In what follows, we describe the way traditional practices were embedded in human-nature relations and how state modernization disrupted and disentangled these relations.…”
Section: Results: Traditional Livelihoods and The Environmental Ethic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Living in close proximity to the Majhi they are often considered a combined ethnic group but are ethnolinguistically distinct. Jana [85] provides a history of the Bote in the CNP alongside the Majihi and Musahar (related forest-dwelling and fishing communities) and their attempts at environmental justice and the gradual exclusion of such groups from traditional livelihood activities. Paudel [34] also reports that after the eradication of malaria in the 1950s, the hill people from central Nepal migrated to Terai and captured private farmland and communal forest land in CNP that had been used by the indigenous groups.…”
Section: Bote Peoplementioning
confidence: 99%
“…As elsewhere in most parts of the globe, the eviction of Bote from riverine indigenous livelihoods on access to ancestral lands has not only threatened their survival but also their indigenous ecological knowledge, kinship systems, culture, and religion, transforming them from independent to dependent and poor communities. While outlawing local practices, government and park officials have provided unsatisfactory substitutes, including livelihood options, and failed to ensure land rights in what were previously jointly managed commons [1, 85,94].…”
Section: Precarious Livelihoods For Smallholders and Wildlife Incursionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Conservation and development rights conflict particularly in fishing practices, which have not only been restricted but have created unsustainable outcomes such as overfishing, use of nylon nets, financial penalties, and other negative livelihood outcomes [30,80,84,85].…”
The conflict between development and conservation concerns is a perennial topic in sustainable development, and especially significant for marginalized social groups. In Nepal, fortress conservation in protected areas (PA) gave way to a community-based development and natural resource management (CBNRM) narrative of inclusion and participation in so-called buffer zone (BZ) initiatives around national parks. Studies to date show mixed outcomes of the community-based model for marginalized communities, especially for traditional indigenous river and forest dwellers. Academic and government reports of successes and failures of community-based projects in Nepal assume progress is based on traditional indigenous livelihood practices being abandoned and participation in state modernization initiatives in parks and reserves. Thus, despite promises of participation, evidence to date shows a de facto continuation of fortress conservation thinking and erasure of customary knowledge and livelihoods. Based on an ethnographic inquiry informed by political ecology conducted in two villages of Bote IPs (in the buffer zone area) of the Nawalparasi District of Chitwan National Park (CNP), we describe how state interventions and regulations under the guise of community-based participation actively ignore the moral ecology of traditional riverine livelihoods while pursuing a modernization project. Echoing calls by other scholars and stakeholders, we argue that a new approach to conservation and development that respects the environmental ethics of traditional livelihoods is long overdue in Nepal.
“…10 See also (Dhakal et al, 2011;LAHURNIP & NIWF, 2020) 11 See also (Gurung, 2019;Warren & Baker, 2019) 12 See also (Human Rights Watch, 2020;Jana, 2007;Kathmandu Post, 2020a; UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 2010) 13 See official project description at https://www.adb.org/projects/31624-023/main 14 See also (International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development, 2021; Upadhya, 2021)…”
The study suggests that the knowledge, skills and activism of women environmental human rights defenders (WEHRDs) have the potential to break the relationship between maldevelopment and disasters.
This article examines the unique roles of NGOs with special attention to the changing socio-political contexts of NGOs in terms of their partnerships with Rights-Holder Organizations (RHOs), which claim the rights of particular groups of excluded population. It reviews an example of the NGO working with RHOs in Nepal. NGO relationships with RHOs are delicate and not always equitable due to their different backgrounds and expertise. NGOs, comprising mostly people who are not members of the rights-holding groups, use their expertise to work for others over fixed periods, whilst RHOs work for their own constituencies through movements. Until the 1990s, NGOs supported so-called 'beneficiaries' who were members of excluded groups whose rights were being denied. Today, RHOs are formed directly by excluded groups. Some NGOs are trying to change their role to become promoters for RHOs, whilst others remain as their proxies, which merely creates an extra layer between RHOs and donors. The article attempts to prove that building equitable relationships between NGOs and RHOs is possible if NGOs have professionalism, expertise in capacity development and a readiness to become more inclusive. Though there are still several challenges ahead, such efforts by NGOs make it possible to change funding flows for RHOs and contribute to inclusive aid.Résumé Cet article examine les rôles uniques des ONG en portant une attention particulière à leur contexte socio-politique en mutation en termes de partenariat avec les organisations d'ayant-droit, qui revendiquent les droits de groupes particuliers de populations exclues. Il passe en revue l'exemple d'une ONG travaillant avec les organisations d'ayant-droit au Népal. En raison de leurs différences d'histoire et d'expertise, les relations entre les ONG et les organisations d'ayantdroit sont fragiles et pas toujours équitables. Les ONG, constituées majoritairement de personnes n'appartenant pas aux groupes d'ayant-droit, mettent leur expertise au service des autres sur des périodes fixes, alors que les organisations d'ayant-droit travaillent pour leurs propres membres au travers de mouvements. Jusqu'aux années 1990, les ONG soutenaient des « bénéficiaires » qui étaient membres de groupes exclus dont les droits étaient bafoués. Aujourd'hui, les organisations d'ayant-droit sont directement constituées de groupes exclus. Certaines ONG tentent de faire évoluer leur rôle vers la promotion des organisations d'ayant-droit, alors que d'autres se positionnent toujours comme leurs représentants, ce qui ne fait que créer un intermédiaire supplémentaire entre les organisations d'ayant-droit et les donateurs. Cet article tente de démontrer que l'établissement de relations équitables entre les ONG et les organisations d'ayant-droit est possible si les ONG font preuve de professionnalisme, d'expertise dans le développement de compétences et de volonté d'ouverture. Bien que plusieurs défis restent à relever, il serait possible de modifier les flux de financement des organisations d'ayant-droit et de contr...
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