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2021
DOI: 10.5129/001041521x15974977783469
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Working for the Machine: Patronage Jobs and Political Services in Argentina

Abstract: Conventional wisdom posits that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for political services. But why would public employees comply with the agreement and provide political services after receiving the job? Departing from existing explanations, I argue that patronage employees engage in political activities because their jobs are tied to their patrons’ political survival. Supporters’ jobs will be maintained by the incumbent, but not by the opposition. Supporters, then, have incentives to hel… Show more

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Cited by 31 publications
(46 citation statements)
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References 90 publications
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“…Peterlevitz (2020) shows that in Brazil, politicians who rely on clientelism are more likely to hire front-line service providers affiliated with a political party in the government's coalition. And clientelist parties employ public sector workers as party workers when civil service laws are weak or nonexistent (Oliveros 2021).…”
Section: Clientelism State Capacity and The Bureaucratic Trapmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Peterlevitz (2020) shows that in Brazil, politicians who rely on clientelism are more likely to hire front-line service providers affiliated with a political party in the government's coalition. And clientelist parties employ public sector workers as party workers when civil service laws are weak or nonexistent (Oliveros 2021).…”
Section: Clientelism State Capacity and The Bureaucratic Trapmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…To capture this effect, I focus on bureaucrats' wages as a proxy for their human capital. This approach is complementary to prior work that examined clientelism's effect on the size of the public sector and the politicization of the bureaucracy (Calvo and Murillo 2004;Cruz and Keefer 2015;Geddes 1991;Gimpelson and Treisman 2002;Grzymala-Busse 2008;Oliveros 2021).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…First, the creation of new jobs in disadvantaged communities makes a bigger difference to the economic well-being of voters than in more prosperous areas. Additional jobs in a poorer community are likely to be more visible and have a relatively larger impact on the subjective perceptions of economic prosperity than in a community with already high levels of income and employment (e.g., Chubb, 1982; Oliveros, 2013). Second, targeting poor constituents tends to yield greater political returns—i.e., more votes—than targeting other populations because poorer voters are more likely to trade their electoral support in exchange for economic benefits (Brusco, Nazareno, and Stokes, 2004; Hicken, 2011; Stokes, 2011).…”
Section: Politicians Elections and State-owned Enterprisesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Drawing on this central distinction, we argue that hiring into bureaucracies based on political (personal) connections leads to bureaucratic identities and incentives which favor corruption for political (personal) gain. This argument builds on-but goes beyond -insights from studies of Weberian bureaucracy (Weber, 1978) and political clientelism (e.g., Oliveros, 2021;Stokes, 2007). Weber (1978) had argued that bureaucrats hired based on merit and paid sufficiently for a secure existence develop a superordinate identification with the public; they become public servants who eschew corruption which would harm the public.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%