Working Children as Social Subjects

Abstract

Working children's social movements and organizations have emerged since the 1980s in many regions of the southern hemisphere. They have proved that working children can competently speak up for themselves. They have even convinced some self-assured adult 'child labour experts' that their voices can no longer be talked over or ignored. The Norwegian social scientist Per Miljesteig, for example, is trying to convince the World Bank that working children must be viewed as partners and must have the opportunity to participate in decisions made by the World Bank (Miljesteig, 2000). Another example is the French social scientist Michel Bonnet who-despite playing a decisive role between 1991 and 1996 in the International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) on behalf of the International Labour Organization (ILO)-thoughtfully commented in 1999 that 'one shouldn't be hypnotised by the problem of child labour, but instead should open one's eyes and ears to working children and listen to what they have to say to us' (Bonnet, 1999: 11). But exactly what do working children have to say to us and what sphere of influence can they actually attain? Apart from large cultural and social differences, are there similarities in the way of thinking and acting among the working children of the South? In my analysis I refer to statements made at the regional and international meetings of delegates of children's organizations since 1994, 1 to 265

The Recognition and Distribution of Children’s Agency in the UK

“…In the process there is an attempt to rebalance normative notions of participation with other material conceptions of participation which challenge the 'deviant' status attributed to the latter (Liebel, 2003). Research focuses on the need to recognise children's economic and material participation.…”

“…The research in Sub-Saharan Africa on young carers as well as research on more routine work undertaken by children in more affluent settings highlights the agency of children and their capacity to manage challenging familial circumstances (Kendrick & Kakuru, 2012;Mayall, 2002). Furthermore, the field of participation also incorporates the commitments of global and regional organisations to rebalance discursive and material dimensions of participation in promoting the voices of working children (Liebel, 2003)…”

“…We can broaden the institutional dimension to include the political role of children. This includes children organising themselves in trying to improve their working and school based lives (Liebel, 2003). There are also attempts to engage with children politically in terms of the provision of services offered by local authorities and policy formation.…”

Children’s participation and intergenerational dialogue: Bringing adults back into the analysis

“…In part this is due to cultural notions of obligations and age-related deference as well as more exploitative relations between employers and child workers. At the same time there have also been attempts to provide children with voiced-based structures at local, national and international levels (Liebel, 2003). For example, the International Movement of Working Children was set up in 1996, composed of child representatives from Asia, Latin America and Africa (Liebel, 2003).…”

Young Sex-Workers in Ho Chi Minh City Telling Their Life Stories

“…For the working adolescents the freedom rights granting them the right to information, to be heard and to organise are important, often violated rights. The adolescents in my studies in Vietnam did not mention any organisations they belonged to, but in several other countries working adolescents are organised, often with the support of NGO's (Schibotto & Cussiánovich, 1994;Miljeteig, 2001;Liebel, 2003). This is an important way for them to voice their opinions and make their situation known.…”