In this paper, I shall discuss a
peculiar coordination construction in German, where the shared
subject of the two conjuncts is not found peripheral, but is contained
within the first conjunct. Following Höhle (1983), this construction
is called “Subject Gaps in Finite/Fronted” clauses (SGF). I shall
discuss previous accounts, both symmetric coordination approaches
(Frank, 2002; Kathol, 1999), as well as asymmetric adjunction
approaches (Büring & Hartmann, 1998). The analysis I shall propose
will treat the construction as coordination semantically, yet assume
a head complement structure that combines the licensing first
conjunct with an incomplete (=slashed) coordinate structure
complement. I shall show how this addresses the ATB condition, permits
straightforward licensing of the subject gap, and provides better
control over the second conjunct, thereby improving over the adjunct
analysis.