2005
DOI: 10.1080/00138380500164083
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Word Order After the Loss of the Verb-Second Constraint or the Importance of Early Modern English in the Fixation of Syntactic and Informative (Un-)Markedness

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Cited by 8 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Corpus studies report a decline in the relative frequency of object preposing that starts in ME (e.g. Speyer 2005), 9 and show that its informational function becomes more circumscribed; preposed objects are more often old information (Pérez-Guerra 2005: 357ff.). This observation is further corroborated by instances like (18) from earlier English, and their later translations: Later (lME) translations of the same passage have a cleft, showing that preposed objects were not restricted to discourse-old material before the loss of verb-second (from Ball 1991:157): Ful guod weork it was and is: þat heo wurchez in me‘A full good work it was and is that she works in me’1280–90 SLeg.…”
Section: The Loss Of Verb-second and Its Consequence For Information mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Corpus studies report a decline in the relative frequency of object preposing that starts in ME (e.g. Speyer 2005), 9 and show that its informational function becomes more circumscribed; preposed objects are more often old information (Pérez-Guerra 2005: 357ff.). This observation is further corroborated by instances like (18) from earlier English, and their later translations: Later (lME) translations of the same passage have a cleft, showing that preposed objects were not restricted to discourse-old material before the loss of verb-second (from Ball 1991:157): Ful guod weork it was and is: þat heo wurchez in me‘A full good work it was and is that she works in me’1280–90 SLeg.…”
Section: The Loss Of Verb-second and Its Consequence For Information mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Corpus studies confirm a decline in the relative frequency of clause-initial adverbials (Breivik & Swan 1994). Unlike preposed objects, they show a decline in referentiality in that they tend to encode new information more often in PE than in eModE or lME (Pérez-Guerra 2005: 357ff.). The exact nature of the change in informational status still needs to be investigated, but some pointers can be gleaned from contrastive Dutch−English translation studies.…”
Section: The Loss Of Verb-second and Its Consequence For Information mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It has been noted that Early Modern English texts violate this principle more frequently than PDE ([Meurman-Solin 2012]), and the earlier manuals are generally less strict about information flow. The other prepositional phrase, in (16b), in clause-initial position, is fine in terms of the easy flow of information (as the clause now starts off with given information) but we know from other work ([Pérez-Guerra 2005]; [Los and Dreschler 2012]) that clause-initial prepositional phrases are increasingly dispreferred as encoders of given information; links to the previous discourse are either expressed by subjects (cf. an agnate like This exercise and strict diet has given my horse such a strong stomach that...) or by clauses (cf.…”
Section: Discussion Of Dimensionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There is clear quantitative evidence in Pérez-Guerra (2005), Komen et al (2014) and Dreschler (2015) for the decline of adverbial discourse-linking of the type found in OE, as outlined in the previous section, and there is a rise in "permissive subjects". We saw that literal PDE translations of OE texts improve if we express linking adverbials as subjects, which suggests that at least some of the adverbial losses are compensated for by the subject taking over the discourse-linking function.…”
Section: Tail-head Linking In Dutch and German Narrativesmentioning
confidence: 92%