Won’t you be my neighbor? Race, class, and residence in Los Angeles, by Camille Zubrinsky Charles

Heil, Melissa

doi:10.1080/02723638.2015.1005415

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…HOLC systematically devalued Black-owned properties and facilitated racial segregation in urban areas (Aaronson et al, 2021;Massey & Denton, 1993). Thus, Black neighborhoods continue to be undesirable to outside investors, particularly to those who are not Black (Bobo & Zubrinsky, 1996;Charles, 2006).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gentrifying Force or a Force for Environmental Justice? A National Assessment of Brownfield Redevelopment and Gentrification in the United States from 2006 to 2015

Becerra

2022

American Behavioral Scientist

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Cities in the United States (U.S.) are increasingly developing sustainability initiatives to improve local economies while addressing environmental concerns. Since 1990, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) Brownfield Revitalization Program has encouraged the remediation of postindustrial sites to create new areas for real estate development. However, previous research demonstrates that industrial areas are more likely to be in predominantly poor and racial/ethnic minority communities. A central argument favoring redevelopment is that remediation helps mitigate environmental inequality and achieve environmental justice for aggrieved communities. Still, very little research examines if and how these communities benefit from these changes. This article examines this question by reviewing the related literature and applying insights to a quasi-experimental analysis of brownfield redevelopment’s impact on racial/ethnic composition and income levels of neighborhoods. Publicly available data were acquired from the EPA Cleanups in My Community data portal and the 5-Year American Community Survey—released annually from 2006 to 2015—to examine demographic changes in neighborhoods where brownfield redevelopment occurred. The study implements a difference-in-differences model using two-way fixed effects regression models on a panel data set of 4,740 census tracts in 48 contiguous U.S. states (or Lower 48 states). This study’s findings suggest that wealthier White and Latino populations are more likely to benefit from brownfield redevelopment than Black populations in affected neighborhoods.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gentrifying Force or a Force for Environmental Justice? A National Assessment of Brownfield Redevelopment and Gentrification in the United States from 2006 to 2015

Becerra

2022

American Behavioral Scientist

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“…However, large ethno‐racial disparities in homeownership remain even after considering sociodemographic characteristics, thus emphasizing the importance of ethno‐racial stratification and neighborhood discrimination in housing (Besbris et al 2015; Chan et al 2013; Charles 2009; Flippen 2010; Haurin, Herbert, and Rosenthal 2007; Loya 2022; Schuetz, Been, and Gould 2008; Sharkey and Faber 2014). For instance, minority communities tend to have older and poorer quality homes, more multi‐family housing units with a lower share of homes available for purchase, less access to commercial spaces, and receive poorer government services than white neighborhoods (Faber 2018; Farley and Squires 2005; Flippen 2001, 2010; Hwang, Hankinson, and Brown 2015).…”

Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Differential Access in Mortgage Credit: The Role of Neighborhood Spatial and Racial Stratification

Loya

2023

Rural Sociology

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Inequality in homeownership is a major component of ethno-racial stratification. Previous studies demonstrate large ethnoracial differences in access and outcomes throughout the home buying process at both the individual and neighborhood levels. An underlying assumption in these studies is that neighborhood ethno-racial disparities in lending are similar across neighborhood spatial types. However, mortgage lending disparities are unclear when examining the neighborhood's racial composition across urban, suburban, and rural communities. This paper draws on annual data from the American Housing Survey and the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) from 2018 and 2019 to assess loan outcome disparities by neighborhood type and racial composition. I show that applicant disparities in loan outcomes vary when factoring the neighborhood's spatial type and racial composition. Borrowers seeking a mortgage in predominantly minority rural communities are more likely to be denied a mortgage than borrowers applying across all other neighborhood type and racial composition. The trends for urban communities are similar to suburban communities across adverse loan outcomes. When comparing the community's racial composition and neighborhood type, the observed lending pattern provides evidence of constrained mortgage access in rural areas, especially among minority rural communities.Homeownership is a major component of financial stability and asset growth for most Americans, especially for minorities. Unequal access to homeownership across ethno-racial groups is a significant contributor to asset inequality (Oliver and Shapiro 2006), as minorities are unable to take advantage of the tax incentives that subsidize homeownership and increase wealth accumulation (Prasad 2012; Quinn 2019). In addition to economic benefits, owning a home is associated with positive neighborhood attributes such as lower crime rates, better public schools, and increased social networks (Charles 2003;Massey 2005;Sharkey and Faber 2014;Yinger 1998). Unequal access to homeownership remains for minorities, despite anti-discrimination laws. The homeownership rate in 2020 was about 74 percent for non-Hispanic whites (hereafter "whites"), 60 percent for Asians, and only 50 percent and 45 percent for Hispanics (hereafter "Latinos") and non-Hispanic blacks (hereafter "blacks") (United States Census Bureau 2021).

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“…For evidence, not only have audit studies shown that systematic discriminatory practices in the housing market are still persistent, though somewhat weakened recently (Pager and Shepherd 2008; Taylor 2019; Turner and Ross 2005), but it is also repeatedly shown that a social hierarchy that places non‐Hispanic white people at the top is functioning in full effect (Alba and Logan 1991; Blake 2013; Charles 2003). Third, there has been continuous interest in people's residential preferences as an explanation for the residential division by race (Charles 2000; Charles 2006; Clark 2002). The fundamental argument from this position is that people are segregated by race not because they have prejudices against other races, but because they consider race a proxy for a place's desirability.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Following residential segregation by race spatiotemporally: A search for causality

Kim

2023

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective The study tried to test three existing explanations on residential segregation through spatiotemporal modeling: (1) spatial assimilation, (2) racial prejudice and discrimination, and (3) residential preferences. Since residential segregation is fundamentally a spatial and longitudinal phenomenon, the analysis is expected to provide a fresh perspective on residential segregation. Method The study used a spatiotemporal modeling through integrated nested Laplace approximation, which is a Bayesian approach to very complex regression modeling, and the data came from the American Community Survey data from 2005 to 2019 at two different spatial levels—Public Use Microdata Area and census tracts. Results The findings of this study showed that: (1) socioeconomic variables, including income, unemployment, and poverty, have meaningful impacts; (2) housing‐related variables do exert a significant impact on black household concentration; (3) the ratio of Asian and Hispanic populations turns out to be important predictors in a negative direction; and (4) even with the predictors, the non‐trivial temporal and spatiotemporal effects are discovered. Conclusion The study reveals that a reductionist approach to residential segregation is unlikely to offer meaningful insights into the problem and that proper understanding is possible only when careful consideration of the spatiotemporal context is taken, including the spatial level.

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Won’t you be my neighbor? Race, class, and residence in Los Angeles, by Camille Zubrinsky Charles

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Gentrifying Force or a Force for Environmental Justice? A National Assessment of Brownfield Redevelopment and Gentrification in the United States from 2006 to 2015

Gentrifying Force or a Force for Environmental Justice? A National Assessment of Brownfield Redevelopment and Gentrification in the United States from 2006 to 2015

Differential Access in Mortgage Credit: The Role of Neighborhood Spatial and Racial Stratification

Following residential segregation by race spatiotemporally: A search for causality

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