Women's Voices in Swedish Towns and Cities at the Turn of the Twentieth Century: municipal franchise, polling, eligibility and strategies for universal suffrage

Sjögren, Åsa Karlsson

doi:10.1080/09612025.2012.661150

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Were working-class women responsive because their husbands voted for them?. While voting by proxy has been abolished in 1919, married couples continued being allowed to vote by proxy (Karlsson Sjögren, 2012). This raises a concern that married women's votes may have been "hidden" second votes of their husbands.…”

Section: Alternative Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Swedish upper- and middle-class women came to dominate charitable and philanthropic organizations in the second half of the 19th century (Lundström, 1996). Women’s engagement in charitable organizations and local poor relief boards reflected not only “women’s solicitude” (Karlsson Sjögren, 2012) but also the ability of privileged women to devote time and effort to voluntary activities outside the home. Privileged women could rely on servants and private kindergartens, while childcare for working-class women only operated on a charity basis (Stanfors, 2003, p. 87).…”

Section: Theoretical Framework: Mobilization Through Social Ties With...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…6.Most women voted for the first time in 1919 (municipal) and 1921 (parliamentary). Before 1919, very few women who paid taxed or owned property were eligible and voted (Karlsson Sjögren, 2012). …”

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confidence: 99%

“…9.The right to vote was denied to about 5% individuals in our dataset for being on poor relief, in prison, incapacitated, declaring bankruptcy, or for not paying local taxes (Karlsson Sjögren, 2012). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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At the Intersection of Gender and Class: How Were Newly Enfranchised Women Mobilized in Sweden?

Morgan-Collins

Natusch

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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How were the most underprivileged women mobilized after suffrage? Newly enfranchised women faced a multitude of barriers to voting, and this was especially the case for working-class women. We theorize that working-class women were more likely to acquire civic attitudes and information through ties with neighbors of the same class than working-class men or privileged classes. Working-class women’s typical employment and domestic responsibilities provided the most opportunities, motivation, and need for local networks, while limiting the opportunities to acquire political resources via outside employment or voluntary associations typically available to other social groups. Utilizing an original dataset of individual voting records in a mid-sized industrial city during interwar period in Sweden, we employ a difference-in-differences design that isolates neighbor effects from confounders at the individual level. Consistent with our argument, we find that class homogeneity of neighbors enhanced working-class women’s turnout, but not that of privileged classes and working-class men.

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Section: Alternative Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theoretical Framework: Mobilization Through Social Ties With...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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