Wives &amp; Property

Holcombe, Lee

doi:10.3138/9781487599577

Cited by 277 publications

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“…The division of property rights in marriage has in fact evolved substantially over the last several hundred years. See for example Holcombe (1983). different ones they break up.…”

Section: Computation Of Stable Equilibria Using Rooted Treesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conventional Contracts

Young¹

1998

The Review of Economic Studies

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A ''conventional'' contract is a contract that each side of a bargain expects the other side to insist on, because it is standard and customary under the circumstances. We consider a process of convention formation in which agents' expectations evolve through repeated interactions in a large-population setting. Agents choose best replies given their knowledge of the precedents, subject to some inertia and random error in their choice behaviour. Over the long run, this adaptive learning process tends to select contracts that are efficient, and egalitarian in the sense that the payoffs are centrally located on the efficiency frontier of the payoff possibility set. When the payoffs form a convex, comprehensive bargaining set, the process selects the Kalai-Smorodinsky solution.Contract as a social phenomenon is the result of a coincidence of free choices.-Friedrich Kessler

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“…The division of property rights in marriage has in fact evolved substantially over the last several hundred years. See for example Holcombe (1983). different ones they break up.…”

Section: Computation Of Stable Equilibria Using Rooted Treesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conventional Contracts

Young¹

1998

The Review of Economic Studies

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“…Middleton's work on peasant women in feudal England seems to suggest that if feminist historians wish to pursue the thankless task of seeking the origins of women's oppression today, they need to go back rather earlier than the nineteenth century (Middleton 1979:160, 163). But while I am sceptical of some of the arguments claiming the large-scale movement of women out of the work force during the nineteenth century, I have no doubt that, in many respects, their legal status deteriorated in the long transition from feudalism to industrial capitalism, particularly that of married women (Holcombe 1983).…”

Section: The Watershed Capitalism or Industrialism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Preceding and subsequent censuses assumed that wives at home were not productively employed if they were not working for wages. So it is highly probable that many wives' involvement in their husbands' trades as small retailers or craftworkers was likely to be ignored in the census return (Alexander 1976;Holcombe 1983).…”

Section: The Watershed Capitalism or Industrialism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article

Thomas

1988

Comp Stud Soc Hist

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In the last few years, work in social history and the history of women has centred on the transition to capitalism and the great bourgeois political revolutions-also variously described as industrialization, urbanisation, and modernisation. Throughout this work runs a steady debate about the improvement or deterioration brought about by these changes in the lives of women and working people. On the whole, sociologists of the 1960s and early 1970s and many recent historians have been optimistic about the changes in women's position, while feminist and Marxist scholars have taken a much more gloomy view. 1 There has been little debate between the two sides, yet the same opposed arguments about the impact of capitalism on the status of women crop up not only in accounts of Britain from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, but also in work on women in the Third World, and cry out for critical assessment.

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“…4 Specifically a married woman's ' personal property vested in the husband absolutely, since there could be no estates in chattels, and therefore he could dispose of it absolutely '. 9 The wife also had no right to rents from her real property ; the husband had those rights. 6 ' Paraphernalia ', considered a sub-category of personal property and described as any clothing, jewellery, and other items ' limited to necessaries and personal ornaments appropriate to her degree ' could be sold or given away by the husband at any time during the marriage, but could not be willed away by the husband.…”

Section: I M a R R I E D W O M E N's P R O P E R T Y R I G H T S Bmentioning

confidence: 99%

Wives and household wealth: the impact of the 1870 British Married Womens Property Act on wealth-holding and share of household resources

Combs

2004

Cont. Change

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I examine wealth-holding and the share of household wealth owned by women married in the years surrounding the 1870 Married Women's Property Act. The Act, which gave women married after 1870 the right to own and control personal property, serves as a natural experiment to examine the extent to which individuals respond to the law. I link wealth-holding data to census information and find that, as a result of the Act, women married after 1870 shifted their wealth-holding away from real property to personal property. Moreover, women married after the Act owned a larger share of household wealth than women married before the Act.

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Wives & Property

Cited by 277 publications

References 0 publications

Conventional Contracts

Conventional Contracts

Women and Capitalism: Oppression or Emancipation? A Review Article

Wives and household wealth: the impact of the 1870 British Married Womens Property Act on wealth-holding and share of household resources

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