Wind and Solar Power in Brazil and China: Interests, State–Business Relations, and Policy Outcomes

Hochstetler, Kathryn; Kostka, Genia

doi:10.1162/glep_a_00312

Cited by 71 publications

(46 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…After severe drought harmed the hydropower supply in 2001, the government initiated the PROINFA program in 2002, with feed-in tariffs for new renewables, and a goal of 10% new renewables in electricity consumption by 2022 (Hochstetler & Kostka, 2015). The new Lula da Silva government introduced an auction system under PROINFA in 2003 (Hochstetler & Kostka, 2015). With the new government, climate change also seeped into energy regulations; in 2006 a presidential decree stated that PROINFA aimed at reducing GHG emissions (GoB, 2006).…”

Section: Energy-climate Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Energy sector interviewees argue that to ensure the lowest possible energy prices, open, competitive-price bidding should determine which projects are awarded electricity-production concessions (interviews 15,16). Nevertheless, through PROINFA in the MME and low interest loans from the Brazilian Development Bank, wind power, and from 2014 onward also solar power, have entered the electricity grid (Hochstetler & Kostka, 2015). There have been reserve auctions for wind (since 2009) and solar (since 2014), and wind power projects have also won some of the open bidding rounds for electricity generation (Aamodt, 2015;GoB, 2014;Hochstetler & Kostka, 2015).…”

Section: Policy Subsystem Intersections and The Role Of Advocacy Coalmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The analysis focuses on climate‐policy changes in the three presidential periods between 2003 and 2015. The climate‐policy literature has traditionally considered Brazilian forest and energy policy as separate policy processes with little overlap of actors and interests, and compared to deforestation political science research has given scant attention to climate change mitigation policies in the Brazilian energy sector—Abramovay (), Edwards and Roberts (), Hochstetler and Kostka (), Hochstetler and Tranjan (), Vieira and Dalgaard (), and Viola and Basso () being notable exceptions. However, few studies systematically compare forest‐related and energy‐related mitigation policies in Brazil, as this study does.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Ability to Influence: A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Advocacy Coalitions in Brazilian Climate Politics

Aamodt

2018

Review of Policy Research

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Cooperation between environmentalists, scientists, and governmental actors was a crucial driver behind Brazil's efforts to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions from the forest sector from 2004 onward. The same climate coalition's advocacy work to reduce emissions in the energy sector, Brazil's second‐most emitting sector, has been unsuccessful. Why has climate‐policy development been so different in the two sectors? Building on the advocacy coalition framework, this paper analyzes the climate coalition's role, systematically comparing how the coalition has worked to influence policy development in the two key sectors for Brazilian GHG emissions between 2003 and 2015. The paper finds that strong climate‐coalition unity, unambiguous scientific knowledge, economic growth, and international pressure functioned as a constellation of factors that enhanced the climate coalition's ability to take advantage of a climate‐policy window and frame deforestation as a core climate concern. The same constellation of factors was missing in the energy sector.

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Section: Energy-climate Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Policy Subsystem Intersections and The Role Of Advocacy Coalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Ability to Influence: A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Advocacy Coalitions in Brazilian Climate Politics

Aamodt

2018

Review of Policy Research

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“…Meanwhile, green technologies are increasingly seen as the future growth industries. 24 Given this hypothetical possibility that environmental concerns could be brought more fully into the developmental state's ambitions, it is important to consider how that might happen.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Environment and Consultation in the Brazilian Democratic Developmental State

Hochstetler¹,

Tranjan²

2016

Comp Politics

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In the 1950s-1970s, the Brazilian developmental state built almost one hundred large hydroelectric plants each decade. 1 During the ensuing two decades, while little new infrastructure was built, unprecedented regulatory models, norms, and actors were introduced both abroad and in Brazil; these demand greater attention to the impacts of infrastructure on environments and local communities. Under the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores or PT) administrations of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003Silva ( -2010 and Dilma Rousseff (2011-), Brazil has now returned to having a developmental state that sets strategic plans and works with the private sector on economic projects that aim for accelerated growth. Electricity generation projects are among the most visible manifestations of the state's regained role. State planning and financing of electricity plants have increased installed electricity capacity since 2002. While critical for many of Brazil's economic goals, this expansion often, but not always, encountered challenges on socioenvironmental grounds. 2 We focus on these projects to analyze how the twenty-first century version of the developmental state has adapted to new regulatory expectations. To what extent are large energy projects carried out differently now than they were in the earlier version of Brazilian developmentalism?Brazil is not alone in these changes. After a generation of neoliberal economic reforms, it is just one of multiple countries that have returned to a larger state role in the economy. 3 This shift has spurred interest in rethinking the developmental state in its twenty-first century manifestations. While maintaining a general understanding of a developmental state as an activist "master institution underlying both growth and welfare," 4 this new literature asserts that different strategies should now be associated with developmental success. An important strand, which we build on here, stresses that in order to promote development, developmental states need to shift their focus from the industrial ambitions and actors of earlier developmentalism to instead seeking to build human capabilities and address sustainability. These goals depend in turn on broad-based monitoring and feedback from civil society. 5 We adopt the label "democratic developmental state" for this package of ambitions. 497

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“…Examining specific sectors, BNDES seems to have succeeded in supporting the consolidation of new activities, such as the pharmaceutical and wind turbine industries (Shadlen & Fonseca, 2013;Hochstetler & Kostka, 2015). In both sectors, the 'nurturing' strategy of combining a stable public demand (i.e., drugs and wind energy) with market-based incentives for private sector (domestic and foreign) producers facilitated the establishment of a variety of new companies.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Catching up and Falling behind: An Appraisal of Brazilian Industrial Policy in the Twenty-First Century

Kasahara

Botelho

2016

ERLACS

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Amidst analyses of industrial policy's renaissance in Latin America, Brazil is often hailed as the paragon of this movement. The mix of old and new institutions and instruments would constitute a unique effort in promoting industrial development in the post-neoliberal period. However, this experience has been followed by middling results of industrial performance. Reviewing an emerging literature about the institutionalization and results of the Brazilian industrial policy, we argue that important aspects of path-dependency have been ignored. Organizational and ideational resistance have led to a much more traditional and conservative industrial policy than would be expected. Grounded historical analysis about intragovernment conflicts, combined with studies about policy and sectoral developments, could give us elements to better assess the failures and achievements of the Brazilian case. Keywords: industrial policy, Brazil, path dependency, innovation, institutions.Resumen: Avances y retrocesos: Una evaluación de la política industrial brasileña en el siglo XXI A la luz de diversos análisis sobre el renacimiento de la política industrial en América Latina, Brasil es frecuentemente alabado como el país arquetipo de la mencionada coyuntura. La combinación de instituciones e instrumentos antiguos y modernos constituiría un singular esfuerzo para promover el desarrollo industrial en el periodo post-neoliberal. Sin embargo, la consecución de dicha experiencia fueron mediocres resultados de actividad industrial. Habiendo efectuado un examen de reciente literatura sobre la institucionalización y los resultados de la política industrial brasileña, sostenemos que, en dicho material, han sido ignorados importantes aspectos de la dependencia de la trayectoria (path-dependency). Resistencia organizativa y de formación de ideas han conducido a la implementación de una política industrial mucho más tradicional y conservadora de lo que se hubiera esperado. Un profundo

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Wind and Solar Power in Brazil and China: Interests, State–Business Relations, and Policy Outcomes

Cited by 71 publications

References 22 publications

The Ability to Influence: A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Advocacy Coalitions in Brazilian Climate Politics

The Ability to Influence: A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Advocacy Coalitions in Brazilian Climate Politics

Environment and Consultation in the Brazilian Democratic Developmental State

Catching up and Falling behind: An Appraisal of Brazilian Industrial Policy in the Twenty-First Century

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