“…By 22 January 1560, Winter's fleet was blockading the northern waters, preventing the communication of the French garrison stationed at Leith with Fife, which would quickly become a stronghold for the Lords of the Congregation. 62 Whilst situated there, Winter captured two of the French crown's galleys, which were integrated into the English fleet as the Tryright and the Speedwell. 63 It was with the knowledge of this English success, and the awareness of the possible French repercussions produced from English involvement, that the decision was made to begin the construction of the Triumph and the Victory in the spring-summer of that year.…”
Section: London Merchant Henry Machyn Recorded In His Diary How On 'The Iij Day Of Julymentioning
In the autumn of 1555, after almost a decade of decay, the Marian regime decided to rebuild the English navy. With the encouragement of her Spanish husband, Queen Mary supported the new construction of three large carracks that would assist in the kingdom’s war against the substantial maritime forces of Henri II of France. Even with the potential insurance of Spanish military reinforcements from her husband, the French navy had expanded unprecedentedly under Henri II, forcing England’s maritime resources to their limits. This article will argue that it was these conflicts with France between 1557 and 1564 that forced the Marian and early Elizabethan institutions to endorse a policy of naval expansion.
“…By 22 January 1560, Winter's fleet was blockading the northern waters, preventing the communication of the French garrison stationed at Leith with Fife, which would quickly become a stronghold for the Lords of the Congregation. 62 Whilst situated there, Winter captured two of the French crown's galleys, which were integrated into the English fleet as the Tryright and the Speedwell. 63 It was with the knowledge of this English success, and the awareness of the possible French repercussions produced from English involvement, that the decision was made to begin the construction of the Triumph and the Victory in the spring-summer of that year.…”
Section: London Merchant Henry Machyn Recorded In His Diary How On 'The Iij Day Of Julymentioning
In the autumn of 1555, after almost a decade of decay, the Marian regime decided to rebuild the English navy. With the encouragement of her Spanish husband, Queen Mary supported the new construction of three large carracks that would assist in the kingdom’s war against the substantial maritime forces of Henri II of France. Even with the potential insurance of Spanish military reinforcements from her husband, the French navy had expanded unprecedentedly under Henri II, forcing England’s maritime resources to their limits. This article will argue that it was these conflicts with France between 1557 and 1564 that forced the Marian and early Elizabethan institutions to endorse a policy of naval expansion.
“…Against the threat of what often appeared to be a pan-European Catholicism, their 'British' politics were more of a necessity than a luxury. 12 This British context was roundly condemned by Scottish Catholics. Throughout the period, Catholic legislation repeatedly described Protestant ideas as English heresies.…”
This article reads John Knox's The Historie of the Reformation (1587; in relation to contemporary debates about language, theology and nation. Recent discussions about the emergence of 'British-ness' in the early modern period have focused on the relation between emerging nationalisms and the Protestant Reformation. In Scottish Studies, particularly, scholars have pointed to an essential link between Protestantism, Anglicisation and the Anglo-Scottish unions of 1603 and 1707. Knox has been dismissed as a catalyst for the erosion of Scotland's traditional literary cultures.
“…In other circumstances, the impression of parity provided by a swap might have proved attractive to the English as well; from the early fifteen‐sixties Cecil had sought to forge a friendship with Scotland through providing ‘military assistance to the Scots as to equal partners in a common enterprise’. Hunsdon explained the Scottish concerns to Burghley shortly after collecting Northumberland, reporting that the Scots were still anxious to secure a promise of Ross's return and that:they care nott how long ytt wer, butt for forme sake, bycawse they haue alreddy delyuerd one out of dunbrytten and now therle, and the bysshope requyard att theyr hands, they wold fayne haue promes of theyre bysshope, or els they wyll make marchandyse of hym as they haue dune of therle, for they doo all for mony. The prisoner delivered from the strategically important Dumbarton castle appears to have been one Johnstone, a fugitive Englishman.…”
Following the English northern rebellion of 1569, several high profile rebels crossed the border to Scotland. One of their number, the earl of Northumberland, was captured and incarcerated by the Scots until 1572. This article explores the hitherto neglected impact of Northumberland's presence in Scotland upon Scottish domestic politics, demonstrating the extent to which Anglo-Scottish diplomatic negotiations were contingent upon the satisfaction of a range of domestic Scottish interests. Paramount among these was the need felt by leading Scots such as John Erskine, earl of Mar and then regent, and James Douglas, earl of Morton, to satisfy their kin and dependants.
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