Why not model spoken word recognition instead of phoneme monitoring?

Vroomen, Jean; Gelder, Béatrice de

doi:10.1017/s0140525x00493246

Cited by 1 publication

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References 71 publications

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“…On this basis, Hickok and Poeppel (2000) speculate that there is, akin to vision, a ventral cortical pathway for word recognition and a dorsal pathway for sublexical discrimination and identi cation. Norris et al (2000) also make a strict distinction between phoneme units and decision units (for comments, see Vroomen & de Gelder, 2000b). Moreover, it is well-known that illiterates, Chinese, and dyslexics have problems with tasks requiring manipulation of speech segments at a subsyllabic level, while at the same time they have no apparent de cit in spoken word recognition (Bertelson, de Gelder, Tfouni, & Morais, 1989;de Gelder, Vroomen, & Bertelson, 1993).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lipreading and the compensation for coarticulation mechanism

Vroomen¹,

Gelder²

2001

Language and Cognitive Processes

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Listeners compensate for coarticulatory in uences of one speech sound on another. We examined whether lipread information penetrates this perceptual compensation mechanism. Experiment 1 replicated the nding that when an /as/ or /aS/ sound preceded a /ta/-/ka/ continuum, more velar stops were perceived in the context of /as/. Experiments 2 and 3 investigated whether the same phoneme boundary shift would be obtained when the context was lipread instead of heard. An ambiguous sound between /as/ and /aS/ was dubbed on the video of a speaker articulating /as/ or /aS/. Subjects relied on the lipread information when identifying the ambiguous fricative sound as /s/ or /S/, but there was no corresponding boundary shift in the following /ta/-/ka/ continuum. These results indicate that biasing of the fricative by lipread information and compensation for coarticulation can be dissociated.A tacit assumption in psycholinguistic research has been that tasks involving the explicit identi cation and/or discrimination of phonemes (like phoneme monitoring or phoneme categorisation) tap much of the same processes as those involved in the implicit phonetic processing of natural speech. However, the idea that explicit phoneme categorisation directly re ects implicit phonetic processes may be too simplistic. In the present study, we indeed present results showing that explicit phoneme Requests for reprints should be addressed to Jean Vroomen,

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