Abstract:Public support for foreign aid in donor countries is highly correlated with how much donor countries are willing to give. There is, perhaps surprisingly, relatively little evidence on the determinants of public support for foreign aid in donor countries. And the evidence that does exist is for donors that are developed democratic countries. In this study we examine the determinants of public support for foreign aid in China. China is a particularly interesting case because it is both a recipient and donor of f… Show more
“…Conversely, there should be less support for the usage of tax money for development aid if there is still a considerable degree of poverty in the 5 potential donor country. This aligns with empirical evidence that individual income is positively associated with support for development aid giving (Chong and Gradstein 2008;Paxton and Knack 2012; Cheng and Smyth 2016;Heinrich et al 2016). 3 Second, the degree to which citizens' preferences translate into actual policymaking should be larger in democracies than in authoritarian regimes.…”
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“…Conversely, there should be less support for the usage of tax money for development aid if there is still a considerable degree of poverty in the 5 potential donor country. This aligns with empirical evidence that individual income is positively associated with support for development aid giving (Chong and Gradstein 2008;Paxton and Knack 2012; Cheng and Smyth 2016;Heinrich et al 2016). 3 Second, the degree to which citizens' preferences translate into actual policymaking should be larger in democracies than in authoritarian regimes.…”
Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.
“…China may see benefits to operating outside the restrictions imposed by the OECD’s DAC. It may also fear public resentment if Chinese citizens feel their government prioritizes overseas development over their country’s own internal needs (Cheng and Smyth, 2016).…”
Section: The Literature On the Scope And Determinants Of China’s Devementioning
This research note empirically examines China’s development assistance to Asia, a region critical to China’s geostrategic ambition, from 2000 to 2014. It uses AidData’s Global Chinese Official Finance Dataset, one of the most reliable publicly available data sources on Chinese aid, which systematically collects and classifies different types of China’s official development finance. It is found that, despite a recent surge, China’s development assistance to Asia remains highly limited compared to that of Japan, Asia’s top donor, and that the economic sectors of energy, transport, and mining dominate financial flows. Econometric analysis results suggest that China’s aid allocation in Asia is influenced by its export relations, but, more importantly, that foreign policy considerations do not play a significant role, which is in contrast to the findings of recent work on Chinese aid to Africa. The results suggest that better measures may be needed to properly capture China’s strategic interests in Asia, including its involvement in the territorial dispute in the South China Sea.
“…In line with this, most existing studies have found income (or a related measure) to be correlated with support for aid, with the more affluent being more supportive (Chong & Gradstein 2008;Diven & Constantelos 2009;Paxton & Knack 2012). A number of studies have found a similar positive relationship between education and support for aid (Cheng & Smyth 2016;Chong & Gradstein 2008;Diven & Constantelos 2009;Stern 1998). Existing research has also found some evidence that aid is more popular among younger people (Chong and Gradstein 2008;Paxton and Knack 2012).…”
Section: Sociodemographic Traitsmentioning
confidence: 85%
“…Most studies on opinions about aid that have included ideology as an independent variable have found a relationship between left-leaning political views and greater support for aid (Cheng & Smyth 2016;Chong & Gradstein 2008;Milner & Tingley 2010;Milner & Tingley 2013;Paxton & Knack 2012). This relationship is thought to be a product of general preferences for redistribution on the left, although, interestingly, Henson and Lindstrom (2013) found that concern with domestic poverty was associated with a desire to see aid reduced in the United Kingdom.…”
Since 2013, Australian aid has been reduced and increasingly focused on delivering benefits to Australia. Motivated by these changes, this paper fills three gaps in the existing literature on public opinion about aid. It provides the only recent detailed study of Australians' opinions about aid. It studies specific policy questions in addition to the broader questions typical of international research. And it studies views on the purpose of aid, an area not previously researched. Although Australians are generally supportive of aid, most backed major aid cuts in 2015. However, most Australians think the purpose of Australian aid should be helping people in poor countries, not bringing benefits to Australia. There is a clear left–right divide in responses to all questions; however, some variables correlated with support for aid fail to explain variation in views about aid's purpose. The paper concludes by discussing ramifications for those who seek to change aid policy.
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