Why does social history ignore politics?

Eley, Geoff; Nield, Keith

doi:10.1080/03071028008567479

Cited by 63 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…The question was rightly asked, over ten years ago now, in this journal. 24 Since then, a growing dissatisfaction with deterministic and reductionist accounts of the connection between society and politics has led, first, to increasingly refined analyses of forms of institutional and cultural mediation; and, more recently, to an uncoupling of the political from the social. This has, ironically, coincided with an increasingly diverse and rich understanding of the social itself, including a recognition of the cultural and political dimensions present at all levels of social existence.…”

Section: May Igg4mentioning

confidence: 99%

Class, politics and historical ‘revisionism’

Gray¹

1994

Social History

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Section: May Igg4mentioning

confidence: 99%

Class, politics and historical ‘revisionism’

Gray¹

1994

Social History

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“…[Por que a história social ignora a política? ], era esse campo complexo de interconexões entre as histórias sociais do trabalho e as práticas organizadas da política que estávamos tentando abordar (Eley;Nield, 1980). Daquele ponto de vista anterior, eram justamente as compreensões enriquecidas da história social, em conjunção com redefinições contemporâneas da categoria do político, que incitaram nossa crítica -não porque nos opusés-semos a qualquer uma dessas coisas (muito pelo contrário), mas porque está-vamos preocupados com a lógica de sua fusão.…”

Section: Histórias De Linguagem Histórias De Classeunclassified

Adeus à classe trabalhadora?

Eley

Nield

2013

Rev. Bras. Hist.

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No início da década de 1980, a política centrada em classes da tradição socialista estava em crise, e comentadores importantes adotaram tons apocalípticos. No final da década, a esquerda permanecia profundamente dividida entre os advogados da mudança e os defensores da fé. Em meados dos anos 1990, os primeiros tinham, de modo geral, ganhado a batalha. O artigo busca apresentar essa mudança contemporânea não como a 'morte da classe', mas como o desaparecimento de um tipo particular de sociedade de classes, marcado pelo processo de formação da classe trabalhadora entre os anos 1880 e 1940 e pelo alinhamento político daí resultante, atingindo seu apogeu na construção social-democrata do acordo do pós-guerra. Quando mudanças de longo prazo na economia se combinaram com o ataque ao keynesianismo na política de recessão a partir de meados da década de 1970, a unidade da classe trabalhadora deixou de estar disponível da forma antiga e bastante utilizada, como o terreno natural da política de esquerda. Enquanto uma coletividade dominante da classe trabalhadora entrou em declínio, outra se corporificou de modo lento e desigual para tomar o lugar daquela. Mas a unidade operacional dessa nova agregação da classe trabalhadora ainda está, em grande parte, em formação. Para recuperar a eficácia política da tradição socialista, alguma nova visão de agência política coletiva será necessária, uma visão imaginativamente ajustada às condições emergentes da produção e acumulação capitalista no início do século XXI.

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“…Geoff Eley's attempt to merge the "public sphere" with a Gramscian notion of "hegemony" was innovative in this regard and has inspired social historians since its formulation. 27 In addition, the cultural twist that historians have given to Habermas's thought during the past decade has drawn attention to new themes to be considered as public-sphere activities, such as festivals, parades, rituals, and other forms of public performance. 28 While the public-sphere concept has been fruitful in lending visibility to the clearly public and civic activities of previously unnoticed groups, one should not omit the public and civic activities of ruling groups, as in the pursuit of organizing popular consent, renewing and reproducing hegemony, and legitimizing themselves.…”

Section: Such a Eurocentric Modernizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Philanthropic Activity, Ottoman Patriotism, and the Hamidian Regime, 1876–1909

Özbek¹

2005

Int. J. Middle East Stud.

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This article aims to explore state–society relations during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876–1909) through the filter of a unique conjunction of state and society—that is, various social groups' voluntary activities, especially fund-raising campaigns with philanthropic and patriotic purposes, often initiated by the palace itself. These campaigns offer fruitful case studies for the study of state–society relations and the dispositions of the public sphere in the late Ottoman era. In light of these activities and their importance for understanding late Ottoman society, the public sphere in this context may be best defined as a dynamic political realm where social and political groups pursued their particular interests; at the same time, it was “the public domain where authority is constituted as legitimate and exposed to popular review, both inside and outside the accepted terms of the given discourse.” Within the parameters of this definition, which is descriptive of the multiple agencies and fragmented nature of the public sphere in this period, this article focuses on how the Hamidian regime sought to unify this fragmented social and political space by promoting public participation in voluntary activities in the broader political arena.

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Why does social history ignore politics?

Cited by 63 publications

References 11 publications

Class, politics and historical ‘revisionism’

Class, politics and historical ‘revisionism’

Adeus à classe trabalhadora?

Philanthropic Activity, Ottoman Patriotism, and the Hamidian Regime, 1876–1909

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