2011
DOI: 10.1017/s0140525x10000968
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Why do humans reason? Arguments for an argumentative theory

Abstract: Reasoning is generally seen as a means to improve knowledge and make better decisions. However, much evidence shows that reasoning often leads to epistemic distortions and poor decisions. This suggests that the function of reasoning should be rethought. Our hypothesis is that the function of reasoning is argumentative. It is to devise and evaluate arguments intended to persuade. Reasoning so conceived is adaptive given the exceptional dependence of humans on communication and their vulnerability to misinformat… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

45
869
1
63

Year Published

2012
2012
2019
2019

Publication Types

Select...
6
4

Relationship

0
10

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 1,515 publications
(1,026 citation statements)
references
References 426 publications
45
869
1
63
Order By: Relevance
“…Empirical evidence suggests that ordinary citizens are reliably guided toward such stances by unconscious processing of cues, such as the emotional resonances of arguments and the apparent values of risk communicators (Kahan, JenkinsSmith & Braman 2011;Jenkins-Smith & Herron 2009;Jenkins-Smith 2001). But, contrary to the picture painted by the irrational-weigher model, ordinary citizens who are equipped and disposed to appraise scientific evidence of risk in a reflective, analytic manner do not necessarily converge in their beliefs; in-stead they will often become even more culturally polarized because of the special capacity they have to search out and interpret evidence in patterns that sustain the convergence between their risk perceptions and their group identities (Mercier & Sperber 2011;Kahan, Peters, Wittlin, Slovic, Ouellette, Braman & Mandel 2012).…”
Section: Three Models Of Risk Perceptionmentioning
confidence: 93%
“…Empirical evidence suggests that ordinary citizens are reliably guided toward such stances by unconscious processing of cues, such as the emotional resonances of arguments and the apparent values of risk communicators (Kahan, JenkinsSmith & Braman 2011;Jenkins-Smith & Herron 2009;Jenkins-Smith 2001). But, contrary to the picture painted by the irrational-weigher model, ordinary citizens who are equipped and disposed to appraise scientific evidence of risk in a reflective, analytic manner do not necessarily converge in their beliefs; in-stead they will often become even more culturally polarized because of the special capacity they have to search out and interpret evidence in patterns that sustain the convergence between their risk perceptions and their group identities (Mercier & Sperber 2011;Kahan, Peters, Wittlin, Slovic, Ouellette, Braman & Mandel 2012).…”
Section: Three Models Of Risk Perceptionmentioning
confidence: 93%
“…For example, we used a theory that was hypothetical and otherworldly, rather than real and relevant, to minimize the possibility that any prior opinions held by participants would constrain their estimates of the likelihood that that theory was true. Furthermore, the manner in which people come to hold theories in everyday life is unlikely to be, as in our manipulation, by arbitrary ascription; rather, it is usually by more or less elaborate forms of ratiocination (Wegener & Carlston, 2005) or as a result of everyday argumentation (Mercier & Sperber, 2011).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 97%
“…14 Also see [Mercier and Sperber, 2011] for the view that reasoning has evolved for purposes of arguing with others, rather than vice versa. This view in fact embraces such "deviant" results, and attempts to provide an evolutionary account under which these results are "natural."…”
Section: Normative Standardsmentioning
confidence: 99%