Why Didn't Parity Work? A Closer Examination of the 2002 Election Results

Murray, Rainbow

doi:10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200063

Cited by 54 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…France, with its 1999 constitutional reform and the laws of 2000, together known as 'the so-called parity laws,' is different from the British model because while parity is considered a good practice securely rooted in the specificity of national political history, it also illustrates the strength of resistance on the part of political entrepreuners (Murray, 2004;Sineau, 2004a). I call into question this hypothesis of French specificity by analyzing the positions of UMP and PS party officials and feminist and/or women's NGOs from the standpoint of the emergence of a normative framework for 'parity democracy' on the French political, association and media scenes.…”

Section: Women Active In the Parity Movement Refer To A European-levementioning

confidence: 98%

Justifying Parity in France after the Passage of the so-called Parity Laws and the Electoral Application of them: The ‘Ideological Tinkering’ of Political Party Officials (UMP and PS) and Women's NGOs

Sénac

2008

Fr Polit

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More than 10 years after the strategic alliance in 1996 between women politicians on the right and left around publication of the 'Manifeste pour la Parite´,' a qualitative survey of French party officials and NGO leaders at the local and national levels shows pragmatic consensus on the necessity of using legislative means to promote gender equality in political representation. Most literature on the subject either analyzes the genesis of France's so-called parity laws or quantitatively assesses their effects, saying little about how the laws call into question France's traditional political norms. This study focuses on the rhetorical strategies used by party and NGO officials to render the laws consistent with their own, diverse ideological positions. This 'ideological tinkering' has a political dimension; it also reflects the importance of nation-centered rhetoric and a low degree of awareness of prior European-level actions in favor of parity in political representation.

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Section: Women Active In the Parity Movement Refer To A European-levementioning

confidence: 98%

Justifying Parity in France after the Passage of the so-called Parity Laws and the Electoral Application of them: The ‘Ideological Tinkering’ of Political Party Officials (UMP and PS) and Women's NGOs

Sénac

2008

Fr Polit

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“…These insights are rooted in the three explanations often given for variations in quota effects. The first is that quota impact is linked to their details, like type, wording, requirements, sanctions, and legitimacy (Meier 2004;Murray 2004). The second is that impact depends on features of the electoral and party systems in which they are introduced, with greater possibilities in countries using proportional representation (Tremblay 2008), and parties in which leaders are able to enforce party or national regulations (Caul 1999).…”

Section: Dynamics Of Quota Implementation: Institutions and Reformsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Politics and Institutions

Krook¹,

Mackay²

2011

219

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Series editors: Johanna Kantola, University of Helsinki, Finland and Judith Squires, University of Bristol, UKThis timely new series publishes leading monographs and edited collections from scholars working in the disciplinary areas of politics, international relations and public policy with specific reference to questions of gender. The series showcases cutting-edge research in Gender and Politics, publishing topical and innovative approaches to gender politics. It will include exciting work from new authors and well-known academics and will also publish high-impact writings by practitioners working in issues relating to gender and politics.The series covers politics, international relations, and public policy, including gendered engagement with mainstream political science issues, such as political systems and policymaking, representation and participation, citizenship and identity, equality, and women's movements; gender and international relations, including feminist approaches to international institutions, political economy, and global politics; and interdisciplinary and emergent areas of study, such as masculinities studies, gender and multiculturalism, and intersectionality.Potential contributors are encouraged to contact the series editors: Johanna Kantola, (johanna.kantola@helsinki.fi) and Judith Squires

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“…2 The expectations were such that the combination of these legal obligation and financial incentives would lead the parties to nominate more female candidates, and the number of female politicians in France would increase. (For a full description of parity reform in France, see Gaspard, 1998Gaspard, , 2001Baudino, 2000Baudino, , 2005Mazur Amy, 2001Sineau, 2001;Murray, 2004;Scott, 2005;Opello, 2006. ) This gender parity law was first implemented in the municipal elections of March 2001, which resulted in the proportion of women town councilors rising from 25.7 per cent to 47.5 per cent in municipalities with more than 3500 residents (Bird, 2002).…”

Section: Parity Reformmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Much of the previous research on the impact of parity has centered on the 2002 and 2007 elections to the National Assembly (Murray, 2004(Murray, , 2008a(Murray, , b, 2009Baudino, 2005;Southwell and Smith, 2007;Fréchette et al, 2008). In plurality districts, the factors that have also been deemed to have hindered the election of female candidates include: (i) incumbency advantage (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler, 2005); (ii) the party strategy of nominating female candidates in marginally unsafe districts (Murray, 2008a); and (iii) membership in a center-right party (Norris, 1993;Caul, 2001).…”

Section: Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%