Why Black and Latino Home Ownership Matter to the Color Line and Multiracial Democracy

Rugh, Jacob S.

doi:10.1007/s12552-019-09275-y

Cited by 35 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 89 publications

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“…The exclusion of agricultural and domestic workers-many of whom were black-from receiving Social Security benefits, redlining practices by the Home Owners' Loan Corporation, and racially restrictive lending policies of the Federal Housing Authority in the years following World War II are just a few examples of historical policies and practices that prevented blacks in the United States from accumulating wealth in the same ways as whites (Oliver and Shapiro 2006). Contemporary racial discrimination in the housing, lending, and labor markets further exacerbates racial wealth inequality (Gaddis 2015;Grodsky and Pager 2001;Rugh 2020) and contributes to racial health disparities. For example, homes in highly segregated black neighborhoods appreciate more slowly than homes in predominately white neighborhoods, which negatively impacts black wealth holdings (Flippen 2004).…”

Section: The Racial Wealth Gap and Population Health Inequalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Net Worth: Racial Differences in Wealth Portfolios and Black–White Health Inequality across the Life Course

2020

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A large body of research links wealth and health, but most previous work focuses on net worth. However, the assets and debts that comprise wealth likely relate to health in different and meaningful ways. Furthermore, racial differences in wealth portfolios may contribute to racial health gaps. Using longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and mixed effects growth curve models, we examined the associations between various wealth components and multiple health outcomes. We also investigated whether black–white differences in wealth portfolios contributed to racial health inequality. We found that savings, stock ownership, and homeownership consistently improve health, but debt is associated with worse health, even after adjusting for total net worth. We found little evidence that home equity is associated with health. Findings also revealed differential health returns to assets by race. These findings provide new insights into the complex relationship among race, wealth, and health.

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Section: The Racial Wealth Gap and Population Health Inequalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond Net Worth: Racial Differences in Wealth Portfolios and Black–White Health Inequality across the Life Course

2020

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“…Housing is another component of Latino children’s economic security. On this metric, the share of Latino households living in cost-burdened households (i.e., housing costs are more than 30% of income) rose from about 26% in 2000 to roughly 37% in 2010 (Rugh, 2020); however, rates of home ownership—48% in 2019—among Latino households have rebounded since the Great Recession (though rates of home ownership are still lower than white households).…”

Section: Characteristics Of Hispanic Child Householdsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Strength-Based Framework for Realizing Latino Young Children’s Potential

Gennetian¹,

Cabrera

Crosby

et al. 2021

Policy Insights from the Behavioral and Brain Sciences

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Hispanic children experience poverty at rates two to three times higher than white children. Latino households with children, in general, have high parental employment coupled with low levels of parental education and stagnant parental earnings relative to non-Latino peers. While many Latino children live in neighborhoods that do not have access to high-quality early education, Latino children, on average, are raised in a home environment that offers economic stability and security, the presence of two parents, and socially supported family and community networks. Furthermore, though Hispanic children’s school achievement outcomes lag behind those of their peers, their socio-emotional developmental outcomes are on the same level or better. Latino children are raised in environments with the ingredients needed to achieve their potential. We use this foundation to propose a strength-based framework for guiding policy investment on Latino children and families.

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“…Hundreds of thousands of Latino immigrant youth have benefited from state-level policies that welcome immigrants and executive actions such as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). Since 2012, DACA has improved housing conditions and spurred rising home ownership, helping Latino immigrant youth to integrate into American society (Gonzales et al 2019; Rugh 2020; Wong et al 2017; Zhou and Gonzales 2019). Although nine in ten Latino youth are U.S. citizens as of 2019, most reside in a mixed-nativity households with at least one immigrant parent who is often undocumented and without temporary protections such as DACA.…”

Section: Latino Youth: Housing Conditions Household Composition and Consequencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Before the Great Recession, many Latino youth had beaten the odds in young adulthood in building wealth and establishing a foothold in home ownership, suburbia, and the middle class (Keister, Vallejo, and Borelli 2015; Rugh 2015). The housing crisis erased many of those gains in Latino wealth directly in lost home equity and ownership and indirectly due to the strain middle-class Latinos felt to financially support others at risk of foreclosure (Rugh 2020; Vallejo 2012).…”

Section: Latino Youth: Housing Conditions Household Composition and Consequencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These trends are either a tale of immigrant upward mobility in one generation (Alba and Nee 2003) or a lack of progress in the next (Telles and Ortiz 2008). Alternatively, it may reflect a set of cross-cutting, yet reconcilable, factors such as class, geography, and context (Rugh 2020; Tienda and Fuentes 2014; Vallejo 2012; Zhou and Gonzales 2019). The percentage burdened by high housing costs is highest among all foreign born, 43 percent, followed by 33 percent of mixed-nativity families, and 27 percent among those where both children and parent(s) are U.S. born, suggesting that Latino immigrant families have the least residual income to provide for youth.…”

Section: Findings On Latino Youth Housing Conditions Since 2000mentioning

confidence: 99%

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From Crisis to Progress: Housing and Latino Youth since 2000

Rugh¹

2021

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Scie

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Latino youth housing conditions have transformed dramatically over the past 20 years. Rates of household crowding have plummeted, nearly all Latino children are U.S.-born citizens, and broadband Internet access is widespread. However, Latino youth remain disadvantaged and their housing conditions remain understudied as they come of age in an era of housing crises, from foreclosures, evictions, to the novel coronavirus pandemic. This article examines Latino youth housing conditions since 2000, including crowding and mixed-nativity/status households. Multivariate analyses of national data show that eviction, foreclosure, and a representative zip code sample of COVID-19 case rates are strongly linked to the housing conditions of Latino youth. The article illustrates these links by analyzing and mapping eviction rates, foreclosure rates, and zip code coronavirus cases in the census tracts of Maricopa County, Arizona. The results underscore the urgent need for policies that invest in housing Latino youth to ensure that progress of the last 20 years is lasting.

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Why Black and Latino Home Ownership Matter to the Color Line and Multiracial Democracy

Cited by 35 publications

References 89 publications

Beyond Net Worth: Racial Differences in Wealth Portfolios and Black–White Health Inequality across the Life Course

Beyond Net Worth: Racial Differences in Wealth Portfolios and Black–White Health Inequality across the Life Course

A Strength-Based Framework for Realizing Latino Young Children’s Potential

From Crisis to Progress: Housing and Latino Youth since 2000

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