Who Wears the MAGA Hat? Racial Beliefs and Faith in Trump

Graham, Amanda; Cullen, Francis T.; Butler, Leah C.; Burton, Alexander L.; Burton, Velmer S.

doi:10.1177/2378023121992600

Cited by 26 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 32 publications

(41 reference statements)

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“…The items have high internal reliability (α = .968) and load on a single factor (loadings range from .923 to .958). The previous research, based on a 2019 national-level YouGov survey, reported similar scale statistics (loadings range from .920 to .974, α = .974) (Graham et al 2020). See Table 4 for the question wording of each item.…”

Section: Independent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 57%

“…Two measures of this construct are used in the analysis. First, general faith in Trump is drawn from previous research by Graham et al (2020) and measures support for the president’s leadership views, style, and efficacy. It is a mean index based on five Likert-type items (1= strongly disagree , 5 = strongly agree ) that asked respondents about their general attitudes toward President Trump (e.g., “I believe that President Trump will make America great again”).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Faith in Trump, Moral Foundations, and Social Distancing Defiance during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Graham

Cullen

Pickett

et al. 2020

Socius

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Purpose: Over the past several months, the coronavirus has infected more than six million Americans and killed nearly 200,000. Governors have issued stay-at-home orders, and prosecutors have filed criminal charges against individuals for defying those orders. And yet many Americans have still refused to keep their distance from their fellow citizens, even if they had symptoms of infection. The authors explore the underlying causes for those who intend to defy these norms. Methods: Using national-level data from a March 2020 survey of 989 Americans, the authors explore intentions to defy social distancing norms by testing an interactionist theory of foundation-based moral behavior in combination with faith in President Trump during the coronavirus pandemic. The analysis controls for a range of variables, including measures of low self-control and deterrence. Results: Low self-control is the strongest predictor of defiance intentions. Consistent with interactionist theory, defiance intentions are significantly higher for those holding specific faith in Trump and those endorsing binding foundations. Furthermore, the interaction of these two variables is significant and in the predicted direction. The results hold for two different measures of faith in Trump. Conclusions: Even with a strong effect for low self-control, faith in President Trump is a strong predictor of refusal to social-distance, and its effect is largest among individuals high in binding foundations.

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Section: Independent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 57%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Faith in Trump, Moral Foundations, and Social Distancing Defiance during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Graham

Cullen

Pickett

et al. 2020

Socius

Self Cite

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“…Also, racial resentment and political conservatism are difficult to separate. In fact, nearly 20 years ago, Beckett and Sasson (2004, p. 54) argued that race was “the organizing principle of American politics.” The interrelationship between the two has only grown in recent years (Enders & Scott, 2019; Hochschild, 2018), with research demonstrating that racial resentment is related to identification as a conservative or Republican, the expression of anti‐democratic sentiments among Republicans, and votes for former President Trump (Bartels, 2020; Graham, Cullen, et al, 2021; Jones et al., 2020; Riley & Peterson, 2019; Shook et al., 2020; Smith, 2019). In this respect, there is disagreement about whether racial resentment measures racism or political values, and about whether controlling for political values is sufficient to isolate the anti‐Black dimension of racial resentment (Rabinowitz et al., 2009).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public fear of protesters and support for protest policing: An experimental test of two theoretical models*

Metcalfe

Pickett

2021

Criminology

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As protests erupted across the United States in recent years over racialized issues (e.g., Black Lives Matter and Confederate monuments), so too did questions about when and how police should respond. Understanding public attitudes toward protest policing is important for police legitimacy and policy. One theory is that citizens are willing to trade civil liberties, such as the right to assemble, for security, and thus disruptive or dangerous protest tactics should increase support for police control by elevating public fear. Another theory is that citizens view protests through the lens of group position, and thus, they should be more supportive of repression when protest goals conflict with preexisting racial beliefs and threaten racial interests. To test these theories, we embedded an experiment in a nationwide survey fielded in 2020 after George Floyd's killing sparked the broadest protests in U.S. history. We randomized protest tactics (e.g., weapon carrying) and goals, as well as other contextual characteristics (e.g., protest size). We found that the public generally opposed repressive protest policing. Certain protest tactics, however, increased support for repression by elevating fear. Protest goals (e.g., pro-Black Lives Matter and pro-immigrants) also impacted support 60

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“…Although voluminous research exists explaining Trump's 2016 surprise election, a common theme is that he drew much support by emphasizing white identity and outgroup hostility toward Blacks, immigrants, and Muslims (Fording & Schram, 2020;Graham et al, 2021;Jardina, 2019). Direct anti-Asian rhetoric from Trump was relatively sparse.…”

Section: Trump's Animus Toward Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

Faith in Trump and the willingness to punish white-collar crime: Chinese Americans as an out-group

2022

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ObjectivesThe first goal of the study was to investigate the willingness of former President Trump's supporters to punish a particular form of white-collar crime (i.e., bank fraud). The second objective was to test whether the race of the person who committed the bank fraud influenced Trump supporters' willingness to punish. Methods This study used data from factorial vignettes that were administered to a national sample of adults in 2021 (N = 1509). A 2 (race of the individual who committed bank fraud) × 2 (prior criminal record) × 2 (COVID-19 related fraud) between-subject experimental design was used. Multivariate techniques were used to regress the dependent variables (e.g., length of prison sentence) onto the faith in Trump scale, the experimental conditions, and other variables. Results Participants who expressed a strong faith in Trump were less likely to support sending an adult male who committed bank fraud to prison, but they were more supportive of deporting the individual to another country. The effect of faith in Trump changed when the race of the person who committed bank fraud was manipulated. Specifically, participants who expressed greater faith in Trump were more likely to view bank fraud as harmful and wrong, more likely to support the use of prison and recommend longer prison sentences, and expressed greater support for deporting the individual when he was depicted as Chinese American. Conclusions Allegiance to the former president likely increased the targeting of Chinese Americans as out-group members in need of greater social control. Keywords Deportation • Politics • Public opinion • Punishment • White-collar crimeResearch suggests that US presidents are capable of shaping public opinion. They represent the country and are the lead policy maker; their words matter (Cohen,

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Who Wears the MAGA Hat? Racial Beliefs and Faith in Trump

Cited by 26 publications

References 32 publications

Faith in Trump, Moral Foundations, and Social Distancing Defiance during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Faith in Trump, Moral Foundations, and Social Distancing Defiance during the Coronavirus Pandemic

Public fear of protesters and support for protest policing: An experimental test of two theoretical models*

Faith in Trump and the willingness to punish white-collar crime: Chinese Americans as an out-group

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