Abstract:Purpose -"No climate change, no climate refugees". On the basis of this theme, this paper aims to propose a method for undertaking the responsibility for climate refugees literally uprooted by liable climate polluting countries. It also considers the historical past, culture, geopolitics, imposed wars, economic oppression and fragile governance to understand the holistic scenario of vulnerability to climate change.Design/methodology/approach -This paper is organized around three distinct aspects of dealing wit… Show more
“…For instance, Ahmed (2018) starts with the assumption that climate change will force people to move within or from Bangladesh, without providing evidence of cause and effect. Specific examples given in Ahmed (2018) to demonstrate "climate refugees" are all weather-related disasters without demonstrating links to climate change by either definition. Other reasons for Bangladeshis migrating, post-disaster and irrespective of disasters, are given short shrift.…”
Section: Attributing Migration To Climate Change Impactsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Political jurisdictions and their boundaries change, including international borders, adding further complications to categorizing spatial movement. Bangladesh is often cited as being a country at high risk of producing "climate refugees" (Ahmed 2018). The country gained independence from Pakistan in 1971, which followed the 1948 partition creating India and Pakistan as separate, sovereign states.…”
Within the extensive scientific and policy discussions about climate change migrants, detailed analyses continue to highlight the lack of evidence thus far for climate change directly causing migration. To understand better how climate change might or might not lead to migration, this paper explores possibilities for developing a robust, repeatable, and verifiable method to count or calculate the number of people migrating or not migrating due to climate change. The discussion starts by examining definitions of “climate change” and “migration”, then looking at how to determine numbers of climate change migrants based on those definitions. These points lead to descriptions of the subjectivity and arbitrariness of the decisions needed for counting or calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants. While the scientific study of working out numbers of climate change migrants and non-migrants is challenging and interesting, especially due to its complexity, changing baselines alongside legitimate concerns about necessary assumptions lead to questions regarding the usefulness of the calculations for policy and action. Ultimately, labelling, counting, and calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants depend on political choices, so any numbers reached might not be scientifically robust. Improved understanding of people’s motivations for migrating and not migrating under different circumstances, including under climate change and perceptions thereof, would be preferable to a starting point assuming that climate change inevitably causes migration.
“…For instance, Ahmed (2018) starts with the assumption that climate change will force people to move within or from Bangladesh, without providing evidence of cause and effect. Specific examples given in Ahmed (2018) to demonstrate "climate refugees" are all weather-related disasters without demonstrating links to climate change by either definition. Other reasons for Bangladeshis migrating, post-disaster and irrespective of disasters, are given short shrift.…”
Section: Attributing Migration To Climate Change Impactsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Political jurisdictions and their boundaries change, including international borders, adding further complications to categorizing spatial movement. Bangladesh is often cited as being a country at high risk of producing "climate refugees" (Ahmed 2018). The country gained independence from Pakistan in 1971, which followed the 1948 partition creating India and Pakistan as separate, sovereign states.…”
Within the extensive scientific and policy discussions about climate change migrants, detailed analyses continue to highlight the lack of evidence thus far for climate change directly causing migration. To understand better how climate change might or might not lead to migration, this paper explores possibilities for developing a robust, repeatable, and verifiable method to count or calculate the number of people migrating or not migrating due to climate change. The discussion starts by examining definitions of “climate change” and “migration”, then looking at how to determine numbers of climate change migrants based on those definitions. These points lead to descriptions of the subjectivity and arbitrariness of the decisions needed for counting or calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants. While the scientific study of working out numbers of climate change migrants and non-migrants is challenging and interesting, especially due to its complexity, changing baselines alongside legitimate concerns about necessary assumptions lead to questions regarding the usefulness of the calculations for policy and action. Ultimately, labelling, counting, and calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants depend on political choices, so any numbers reached might not be scientifically robust. Improved understanding of people’s motivations for migrating and not migrating under different circumstances, including under climate change and perceptions thereof, would be preferable to a starting point assuming that climate change inevitably causes migration.
“…All the statuses mentioned above can be called environmental only conventionally, because individuals become involved in an environmental situation predominantly as holders of residential, political or professional statuses (Methmann & Oels, 2015;Rechkemmer et al, 2016;Bayes 2018). For these statutes to become environmental, it is required of the people comprising a wider social environment to adopt a certain attitude towards the rights and obligations of the status holders, and this environment should not be limited to the professional, political or economical framework.…”
The field of ecology is a field of social practice in which human activities are aimed at understanding and transformation of living systems and the environment, of the way industry affects them, and of the personal and social relations pertaining to nature. Compared to statuses in other social fields, a status in the field of ecology is a more comprehensive notion, as it determines not only social behaviour in problem situations related to ecology, which is the behaviour towards other people, but also environmental behaviour, which is the behavior towards nature. Using a mixed method research design this article overviews the field of ecology within the framework of sociological terms as a complex of statuses, or social positions interrelated, or mediated, by means of a system of rights and obligations. In the Russian society, a status in the field of ecology is attainable, since it is acquired due to a free choice and personal efforts, and is under control of the person themselves. The core element of an environmental status is a system of stable attitudes (position) in the field of ecology, which determines its set of behavioral models (role system) in ecologyrelated problem situations. A position in the field of ecology is a fixed (situationally stable) system of attitudes of a person towards nature and problem situations in the field of ecology, which manifests itself in their behaviour and actions. Given the understanding of a status in the field of ecology, for which stable attitudes of a subject are the core, the field of ecology as a field of social relations can be considered a complex of subjective positions.
“…The "right" opportunities could include lowering regulatory barriers to refugees participating in formal markets, greater access to education, and increased access to start-up capital for business development, all to decrease dependency on the state (Betts et al 2016). Much of the existing literature notes that if opportunities instead of restrictions are provided, refugees are capable of contributing to and benefiting the local economies (Ahmed 2018;Fornale & Doebbler 2017). Unfortunately, Uganda's Self-Reliance Strategy is a unique success (Betts et al 2016).…”
Section: Discussing Policy Avenuesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is argued that wealthy countries have an obligation to poor countries as a consequence of the "cumulative burden" of climate change (Byravan & Rajan 2015). Some studies quantitatively analyze annual greenhouse gas emissions and assign a percentage of the cost to specific countries (Ahmed 2018). Aforementioned, those who will engage in CIM do so due to lack of adaptive capacity, such as loss of livelihood or access to resources, which indicates that most migration will not be long-distance as it requires a level of economic capital many do not possess (Jerneck & Olsson 2010).…”
Climate change-induced migration is an emerging issue that poses significant humanitarian, economic, and political consequences if not addressed on the international stage. Yet, its interdisciplinary nature, while cementing it as a greater sustainable development concern, confounds policymaking. Disregarding the implications of climate change, including but not limited to resource insecurity and overpopulation leading to instability and conflict, only exacerbates the probability of climate change-induced migration becoming a humanitarian disaster. The most prominent hindrance to the development of such a policy is the lack of a universal approach for recognizing climate refugees. Recognition poses opportunities for globalization, however it also poses challenges stemming from negative perceptions of migrants. Nonetheless, this synthesis of existing literature illustrates that collaborative efforts for the international recognition of climate migrants—as well as their capacities for adaptation and resilience—is crucial to create opportunities for sustainable development.
Following the conceptual context regarding climate science and terminology, it is the aim of this review to analyze the adaptive capacity of affected populations and how migration is becoming a form of adaptation itself. Second, in an increasingly-isolationist world, there is a heightened fear of refugees crossing international borders. It is crucial to discuss the securitization of climate change and its classification as a non-traditional security threat. It is apparent that while most climate change-induced migration will be internal, it remains imperative to develop effective international policy. In the subsequent discussion of potential policy avenues, it is argued that given the appropriate opportunities to engage in their new communities, refugees are capable of significant contribution, despite their misperception as dependents. By integrating this information into one comprehensive document, policymakers may acknowledge the importance of recognizing and extending protections to climate migrants.
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