Who Needs African Studies?

Abstract

Scholars in African studies often seem to believe that they are lonely, marginal, and misunderstood. They complain frequently about the ignorance and indifference of the public, the media, and the politicians. Whether their complaints are justified or not, their sense of isolation may make them unusually sensitive to questions of professional identity and purpose–a sensitivity sharpened by the facts of Africa's past and present and the emotions both arouse. These problems are not unique to scholars in African studies. Others in area studies experience them, as do all the millions whose positions in the eyes of the public are unpopular, suspect, or simply insignificant. The symptoms of those in love-starved professions are well known: high suicide rates, chronic introspection, incessant organizational busy-work, and an obsession with titles and qualifications. Yet sociologists (perhaps for fear of infection) have not given much attention to the professional pathology of academia. The applied social sciences, however, are another matter. An especially intriguing case for our present purpose is that of the American planning profession as described by Martin Rein (1972: 426ff). The planners, Rein noted, underwent an extended legitimacy crisis in the course of which they cast about for a formula which would establish their identity, justify their existence, and secure them a clientele. Eventually four such formulas (summarized as expertise, bureaucratic position, consumer preference, and professional values) were defined. Each formula contained answers to such questions as: Whom or what do I serve? What service do I provide? Why is that service useful (and better than that offered by rivals)? And, how should the service be performed and evaluated?

Africanizing South African Psychology

“…It is easier to replicate that which comes approved from the West, however irrelevant to objective majoritarian African conditions and concerns, than to subject any nascent autochthonous theorizing to hyper-scrutiny—both for going “native” and deviating from the accepted externally imposed knowledge fount. Unlike many North American universities where African studies have long been accepted, perhaps begrudgingly, within SA and most African universities African studies “are unpopular, suspect, or simply insignificant” (Staniland, 1983, p. 77). So it is that within philosophy which is validated as having its origins in Greco-Roman thought, the standard-bearer of civilization, little attempt is made to acknowledge African knowledge systems as having any validity.…”

The Last Decade: A Content Analysis of the African Studies Review, 1982-91

“…There are several consequences of this. By relying exclusively on academic disciplines to supply a raison d'etre for their research, they have avoided more sensitive issues that might place them in the position of advocates or "Washingtonians" (Staniland 1983). The questions of "who benefits" and "what for" from African studies research are still pertinent.…”

A institucionalização dos estudos Africanos nos Estados Unidos: advento, consolidação e transformações

“…Between 1949 and 1964, the volume of resources available to studies related to Africa alone amounted to US $76 million. 19 One of the landmarks of governmental involvements was the 20 Governmental financing was used to create specialized libraries and to give grants to students and professors, as well as to hire teaching staff. Initially, the program benefitted both public and private universities, but later public universities gained clear priority.…”