White Reactions to Black Candidates: When Does Race Matter?

Citrin, Jack; Green, Donald Philip; Sears, David O.

doi:10.1086/269185

Cited by 183 publications

(145 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…Citrin, Green and Sears (1990) examine the California gubernatorial election between Tom Bradley (a black Democrat) and George Deukmejian (a white Republican) and find that the significance of race is based on contextual variables such as a candidate's prior record and campaign style.…”

Section: Minority Candidates and Vote Choicementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some have found that persistent prejudices have a negative effect on minority candidates (Terkildsen, 1993;Sigelman et al, 1995;Kinder and Sanders, 1996). On the other hand, many observational studies of minority candidates have found that the negative effect of race is largely dependent on electoral and candidate context (Highton, 2004;Hajnal, 2001Hajnal, , 2007Citrin, Green and Sears, 1990), and that under certain contexts, like incumbency and campaign messaging, race might cease to be a significant consideration in vote choice. I argue that what is missing from these studies is a theory that considers how racial perceptions and electoral context might mediate candidate evaluations, as well as comprehensive data that can test a theory that considers many of the contextual variables that might go into a voter's decision to vote for or against a minority candidate.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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When Does Race Matter? Exploring White Responses to Minority Congressional Candidates

Visalvanich

2015

SSRN Journal

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How significant of a factor is race in minority candidate evaluation? I present theory of race and minority candidate evaluation which argues that candidate race acts as an informational heuristic that affects perceptions of a candidate's ideological leaning and competence but that this effect is dependent on contextual factors, including the racial group and candidate partisanship. Using the 2010 and 2012 Cooperative Congressional Elections Study, I provide an observational look at Latino and Asian candidates in addition to black candidates for the first time, as well as minority candidates of both partisan stripes. I examine voter perceptions about candidates that might drive their vote choice, namely ideological assessments and competence assessments. I find that white voters are less likely to support Latino and black Democrats because they are viewed as less competent and more ideologically extreme. I find that Asian candidates and minority Republicans are largely unaffected by these biases.

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Section: Minority Candidates and Vote Choicementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

When Does Race Matter? Exploring White Responses to Minority Congressional Candidates

Visalvanich

2015

SSRN Journal

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“…Racial resentment taps into whites' attitudes regarding why some African Americans struggle with achieving economic parity within American society. Even though some may find fault with this indicator as being too closely embedded into conservative ideology, its resilience in predicting white voting behavior when an African American is on the ballot remains impressive (Citrin et al 1990). Indeed, even after controlling for partisanship and ideology, the findings show that racial resentment shaped the probabilities of voting for McCain for voters in the middle of the political spectrum and Democrats in both regions.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The most extensive research record was developed in the 1970s and 1980s centered on Tom Bradley's campaigns for mayor of Los Angeles and then governor of California. These studies found that racial resentment predicted white votes for Bradley's opponents (Kinder and Sears 1981;McConahay and Hough 1976;Sears and Kinder 1971), but that measures of explicit racism had a minor impact (Citrin et al 1990). Similarly, racial resentment was also useful for explaining votes in other types of elections where race played a prominent role.…”

Section: The Three Rs: Racism Resentment and Regionalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By including an indicator of explicit racial prejudice (stereotypes) and racial resentment together in the same equation, I follow the path of Citrin et al (1990) who used both types of indicators in their analysis of votes for Aistrup, Kisangani, and Piri (2010b) who used only an indicator of racial resentment to do the same in the South. Including both, allows the analysis to tap into two different components of racial attitudes: explicit racism and attitudes toward the condition of African Americans as a group in the U.S.…”

Section: Data Sets Measurement and Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Racism, Resentment, and Regionalism: The South and the Nation in the 2008 Presidential Election

Airstrup¹

2011

ARP

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This paper assesses the influences racial resentment and racial stereotypes on Southern and non-Southern white, Asian, and Hispanic voters in the 2008 presidential election. I use logistic regression to test the hypotheses that racial resentment and racial stereotypes influenced support for McCain and that the influence of these two variables is greater in the South than in the non-South. The findings suggest that racial resentment’s influence extends across both regions but that the affects of racial stereotypes is confined to the South. The analysis is replicated for U.S. House elections in 2008, finding that the impact of racial resentment and racial stereotypes is insignificant in both regions. In 2008, the influences of racism, resentment and regionalism on voting are confined to the presidential level.

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The Underrepresentation of Women in Elective Office

Anzia

2015

Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences

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Despite the inroads women have made in American politics in recent decades, women still hold far fewer elective offices than men. This raises the question of why women fall short in this important mode of political engagement. Early research on this question emphasized the obstacles created by gender socialization, women's underrepresentation in the professions most likely to produce candidates, and women's family and household responsibilities. Scholars have also found that some voters use gender stereotypes in evaluating candidates. Importantly, however, the average female candidate wins the same percentage of the vote as the average male candidate, and that fact has become the basis for the widespread belief that voters are not systematically biased against female candidates—that the cause of women's underrepresentation must lie elsewhere. Cutting‐edge political science research has found that women are less likely than men to even consider running for office, that recruiters prefer to recruit male candidates over female candidates, and that primary races that feature female candidates attract larger numbers of challengers than all‐male primary races. But other cutting‐edge work suggests that the widely accepted conclusion that voters harbor no bias against female candidates is likely incorrect. Future research will likely reevaluate this conclusion using new approaches and methods and will also delve deeper into the question of why women are less politically ambitious than men. These lines of inquiry will likely borrow insights from psychology, sociology, and economics, as well as the political science literature on race.

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White Reactions to Black Candidates: When Does Race Matter?

Cited by 183 publications

References 19 publications

When Does Race Matter? Exploring White Responses to Minority Congressional Candidates

When Does Race Matter? Exploring White Responses to Minority Congressional Candidates

Racism, Resentment, and Regionalism: The South and the Nation in the 2008 Presidential Election

The Underrepresentation of Women in Elective Office

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