When Movements Become Parties

Anria, Santiago

doi:10.1017/9781108551755

Cited by 141 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 206 publications

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“…Alternatively, social organizations' leaders can have strong informal ties with party leaders. 25 These informal ties may also involve looser connections (such as fluid alliances) characterized by relations of exchange and negotiation, where parties and their social bases are independent entities that, at times, may have contrasting-or even conflicting-interests.…”

Section: The Centrality Of Organic Connectionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The MAS governments designed and implemented policies that directly benefited these previously marginalized sectors. 40 Indeed, the political incorporation of Bolivia's multicultural population marks a major transformation in Bolivian history. 41 In Uruguay, the FA governments (2005-10, 2010-15, 2015-20) furthered the incorporation of formal workers through an increase in unionization rates and the revival of corporatist institutions.…”

Section: Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…40 Indeed, the political incorporation of Bolivia's multicultural population marks a major transformation in Bolivian history. 41 In Uruguay, the FA governments (2005-10, 2010-15, 2015-20) furthered the incorporation of formal workers through an increase in unionization rates and the revival of corporatist institutions. They also incorporated categories of informal workers who had not been included in the first incorporation, such as rural and domestic workers.…”

Section: Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Agents of Representation: The Organic Connection between Society and Leftist Parties in Bolivia and Uruguay

et al. 2021

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Parties are central agents of democratic representation. The literature assumes that this function is an automatic consequence of social structure and/or a product of incentives derived from electoral competition. However, representation is contingent upon the organizational structure of parties. The connection between a party and an organized constituency is not limited to electoral strategy; it includes an organic connection through permanent formal or informal linkages that bind party programmatic positions to social groups’ preferences, regardless of the electoral returns. This article analyzes how the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward Socialism, MAS) in Bolivia and the Frente Amplio (Broad Front, FA) in Uruguay developed two different forms of relationship with social organizations that result from the interplay of historical factors traceable to the parties’ formative phases and party organizational attributes. Party organizational features that grant voice to grassroots activists serve as crucial mechanisms for bottom-up incorporation of societal interests and demands.

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Section: The Centrality Of Organic Connectionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Agents of Representation: The Organic Connection between Society and Leftist Parties in Bolivia and Uruguay

et al. 2021

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“…These organizational repertoires serve to create resilient modes of collective association, socially embedding political parties while providing members and militantes with permanent opportunities for political activism (Anria 2019). From this perspective, grassroots activism and social movements traditionally have been useful organizations for leftist parties, providing them with “mobilizing structures”; that is, informal and formal channels that facilitate collective action by aggregating opinions and distributing the cost of participation (McAdam 1982).…”

Section: Linkage Strategies and Partisan Mobilization In Latin Americamentioning

confidence: 99%

The Rise of the Contentious Right: Digitally Intermediated Linkage Strategies in Argentina and Brazil

Peña¹,

Gold²

2021

Lat Am Polit Soc

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This article analyzes novel patterns of interaction between right-wing parties and protest movements during major contentious cycles in Argentina (2012–13) and Brazil (2013–16), which preceded the advent of the Cambiemos coalition in the former and the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in the latter. Drawing on a dual process-tracing strategy and a wide range of data sources, this study shows that these interactions are central to understanding why and how right-wing parties leverage novel repertoires and resources from digital activists during contemporary protest cycles, a dynamic conceptualized as a new party linkage strategy through digital intermediation. The study traces its three-phase development in both countries, revealing how differences in institutional contexts and the strength of activist groups contributed to divergent trajectories of partisan opposition toward the end of the cycles, regarding both the subsequent reconfiguration of the right and the entry of digital activists into institutional arenas.

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“…In this regard, too, the current context reveals quite important tensions and weaknesses. As is widely acknowledged, the popular sectors were the key source of support that enabled the rise of the MAS as well as its successful establishment as the hegemonic political power, but since roughly 2010 the relationship between the MAS government and many popular sector organizations and movements have become increasingly strained (Anria, 2019;Mayorga, 2016). The increasing tensions and in part open conflicts between the government and important popular sector organizations can be seen as the flip side of what Maristella Svampa has called "Consenso de los Commodities".…”

Section: Success Limitations and Structural Fragility Of Bolivia's mentioning

confidence: 99%

The political economy of post-neoliberalism in Bolivia: Policies, elites, and the MAS government

Wolff

2019

ERLACS

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With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country's economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia's specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility.

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When Movements Become Parties

Cited by 141 publications

References 206 publications

Agents of Representation: The Organic Connection between Society and Leftist Parties in Bolivia and Uruguay

Agents of Representation: The Organic Connection between Society and Leftist Parties in Bolivia and Uruguay

The Rise of the Contentious Right: Digitally Intermediated Linkage Strategies in Argentina and Brazil

The political economy of post-neoliberalism in Bolivia: Policies, elites, and the MAS government

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