Abstract:Sociologists who rely on survey research have begun exploring the implications of racial inconsistency for not only multiracial identification but also for other social outcomes. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, the author explores the consequences of different specifications of race for modeling three outcomes: educational attainment, self-rated health, and interracial relationship history. The author uses the model-fit criteria of Akaike information criterion and Bayesian … Show more
“…These findings should serve as a caution to scholars who use single or implicit dual-category approaches in their analyses of inequality. Our findings build on nascent conversations regarding how to account for multiraciality in analyses of inequality (Bratter 2018; Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Shiao 2019) and contribute to understandings of how population growth can affect estimates of inequality, discussions which are increasingly relevant given the increase in minority and multiracial identification in many national contexts.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 62%
“…In the United States, much of the research on racial disparities and stratification overlooks multiracials. Some scholars omit them completely from analyses, while others collapse them into one of their (often nonwhite) parent categories, a single “best-race” category, or a broad “multiracial” category, oftentimes based on sample size and other logistical considerations (see Gullickson and Morning 2011; Kramer, Burke, and Charles 2015; Shiao 2019). A recent approach used in research on Latin America allows for overlap in racial categories by examining black disadvantage while controlling for indigenous identification (e.g., Torre-Cantalapiedra and Sánchez-Soto 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020).…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A recent approach used in research on Latin America allows for overlap in racial categories by examining black disadvantage while controlling for indigenous identification (e.g., Torre-Cantalapiedra and Sánchez-Soto 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020). A final approach, for which we advocate in this article, is to explicitly separate out specific multiracial combinations in stratification analyses (Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Kramer et al 2015; Shiao 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020).…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A recent set of U.S.-based studies examines the important question of whether and how incorporating multiracials improves analyses of ethnoracial inequality (Bratter 2018; Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Shiao 2019). In general, separating specific multiracial combinations into their own categories often nuances understandings of the degree of inequality and the mechanisms which reproduce it.…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Mary E. Campbell’s (2009) study of educational inequality for single- versus multi-race individuals reveals that features like skin tone or racial appearance are not strongly associated with outcomes of multiracials (in contrast to monoracials), which suggests that different mechanisms may be driving the outcomes of single- versus multiple-category populations. Finally, the separate examination of multiracial individuals may have implications for the study of social networks and relations, as illustrated by Shiao (2019), who examines multiracial, changed, and other-race categories to predict interracial social contact.…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
In recent decades, an increasing number of Latin American countries have included ethnoracial questions on their censuses, giving rise to unprecedented data on monoracial and multiracial forms of classification. In Mexico, the government launched a count of its black population for the first time in the nation’s history in 2015, in addition to its long-standing practice of enumerating its indigenous population. Most recently in 2018, it conducted a survey, again asking about both black and indigenous identification. Within this short time span, the black population grew from 1.8 percent to 5.9 percent, becoming a sizable, statistically visible minority. A large majority of black individuals also identified as indigenous, revealing an important form of dual-minority multiracialism. In this article, we analyze these unprecedented data, detailing the size, composition, and growth of these populations. We use the Mexican case to illustrate the potential implications of measuring ethnoracial inequality using single- versus dual-category approaches. We find that black disadvantage is considerably more pronounced when explicitly allowing for multiracial classification. Methodologically, our findings contribute to nascent conversations about how to incorporate the new social and statistical realities of multiracialism in inequality analyses. Theoretically, we expand the multiracialism literature from its traditional focus on part-white mixtures, to a focus on overlapping minority classification. Finally, we build on theories of intersectionality, which generally focus on intersections of oppression across multiple “master statuses” (e.g., race, class, and gender), by also examining intersecting oppressions within the single master status of race.
“…These findings should serve as a caution to scholars who use single or implicit dual-category approaches in their analyses of inequality. Our findings build on nascent conversations regarding how to account for multiraciality in analyses of inequality (Bratter 2018; Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Shiao 2019) and contribute to understandings of how population growth can affect estimates of inequality, discussions which are increasingly relevant given the increase in minority and multiracial identification in many national contexts.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 62%
“…In the United States, much of the research on racial disparities and stratification overlooks multiracials. Some scholars omit them completely from analyses, while others collapse them into one of their (often nonwhite) parent categories, a single “best-race” category, or a broad “multiracial” category, oftentimes based on sample size and other logistical considerations (see Gullickson and Morning 2011; Kramer, Burke, and Charles 2015; Shiao 2019). A recent approach used in research on Latin America allows for overlap in racial categories by examining black disadvantage while controlling for indigenous identification (e.g., Torre-Cantalapiedra and Sánchez-Soto 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020).…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A recent approach used in research on Latin America allows for overlap in racial categories by examining black disadvantage while controlling for indigenous identification (e.g., Torre-Cantalapiedra and Sánchez-Soto 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020). A final approach, for which we advocate in this article, is to explicitly separate out specific multiracial combinations in stratification analyses (Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Kramer et al 2015; Shiao 2019; Villarreal and Bailey 2020).…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A recent set of U.S.-based studies examines the important question of whether and how incorporating multiracials improves analyses of ethnoracial inequality (Bratter 2018; Bratter and Gorman 2011; Campbell 2009; Shiao 2019). In general, separating specific multiracial combinations into their own categories often nuances understandings of the degree of inequality and the mechanisms which reproduce it.…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Mary E. Campbell’s (2009) study of educational inequality for single- versus multi-race individuals reveals that features like skin tone or racial appearance are not strongly associated with outcomes of multiracials (in contrast to monoracials), which suggests that different mechanisms may be driving the outcomes of single- versus multiple-category populations. Finally, the separate examination of multiracial individuals may have implications for the study of social networks and relations, as illustrated by Shiao (2019), who examines multiracial, changed, and other-race categories to predict interracial social contact.…”
Section: Multiracialism Inequality and Dual Ethnoracial Minoritiesmentioning
In recent decades, an increasing number of Latin American countries have included ethnoracial questions on their censuses, giving rise to unprecedented data on monoracial and multiracial forms of classification. In Mexico, the government launched a count of its black population for the first time in the nation’s history in 2015, in addition to its long-standing practice of enumerating its indigenous population. Most recently in 2018, it conducted a survey, again asking about both black and indigenous identification. Within this short time span, the black population grew from 1.8 percent to 5.9 percent, becoming a sizable, statistically visible minority. A large majority of black individuals also identified as indigenous, revealing an important form of dual-minority multiracialism. In this article, we analyze these unprecedented data, detailing the size, composition, and growth of these populations. We use the Mexican case to illustrate the potential implications of measuring ethnoracial inequality using single- versus dual-category approaches. We find that black disadvantage is considerably more pronounced when explicitly allowing for multiracial classification. Methodologically, our findings contribute to nascent conversations about how to incorporate the new social and statistical realities of multiracialism in inequality analyses. Theoretically, we expand the multiracialism literature from its traditional focus on part-white mixtures, to a focus on overlapping minority classification. Finally, we build on theories of intersectionality, which generally focus on intersections of oppression across multiple “master statuses” (e.g., race, class, and gender), by also examining intersecting oppressions within the single master status of race.
Scholars have offered a range of perspectives on the twenty-first century racial landscape with little consensus about either the current state of the U.S. racial hierarchy or its future trajectory. We offer a more comprehensive assessment, using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) to study racial stratification across a number of socioeconomic outcomes. We pay particular attention to the robustness of results across different categorization schemes that account for self-identification and interviewer classification, as well as racial fluidity. Although we observe that White and Asian Americans generally have the best socioeconomic outcomes, on average, while Black Americans and American Indians have the worst, we also find meaningful differences in patterns of stratification both across outcomes and depending on how race is operationalized. These differences in stratification are reflected in the estimated number of strata as well as the rank order of racial categories. Our results suggest that ongoing debates about the nature of the U.S. racial hierarchy can be partly explained by methodological decisions about which outcomes to study and how best to measure race.
Supplementary Information
The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12552-021-09351-2.
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