2021
DOI: 10.1016/j.electstud.2021.102282
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When does inequality demobilize? New evidence from the American states

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Cited by 5 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…This result might be due to the overall low-level income of union members in the data: most people earned less than $75,000 annually. A recent study suggested that economic inequality does not demobilize turnout in salient elections (Macdonald 2021), which implies that in our studied election, low-income or middle-income unions members might decide to vote or not regardless of union contact. Though caution should be applied to the interpretation that high-income people are more susceptible to union contact, at minimum, the evidence indicates that income is not a strong differentiating factor in the relationship between canvassing and turnout, which is consistent with prior findings.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 71%
“…This result might be due to the overall low-level income of union members in the data: most people earned less than $75,000 annually. A recent study suggested that economic inequality does not demobilize turnout in salient elections (Macdonald 2021), which implies that in our studied election, low-income or middle-income unions members might decide to vote or not regardless of union contact. Though caution should be applied to the interpretation that high-income people are more susceptible to union contact, at minimum, the evidence indicates that income is not a strong differentiating factor in the relationship between canvassing and turnout, which is consistent with prior findings.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 71%
“…Without using the exact same terminology, several studies have also argued that the costs of abstention moderate the effect of income inequality on voter turnout. For example, analyzing turnout in US states, Macdonald (2021b) shows that the salience of elections conditions the effect of inequality on turnout: If the saliency is low, income inequality has a stronger negative impact on voter turnout. In line with these findings, Polacko et al (2021) and Polacko (2022) demonstrate that programmatic differences between parties-what they call policy polarization-lower the negative impact of income inequality not only on turnout but also on turnout inequality.…”
Section: Income Inequality and Political Equalitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Studies have found inequality and turnout to exert either a negative or null relationship, with scant evidence of a positive relationship. Fully two‐thirds of studies find a negative and statistically significant effect (Anderson & Beramendi, 2008; Jaime‐Castillo, 2009: Jensen & Jespersen, 2017; Lancee & Van de Werfhorst, 2012; Macdonald, 2021; Polacko, 2022a; Polacko et al, 2021; Schäfer, 2013; Schäfer & Schwander, 2019; Solt, 2008, 2010; Steinbrecher & Seeber, 2011; Szewczyk & Crowder‐Meyer, 2022; Wilford, 2020) but the absence of any effect or, indeed, a positive effect in the other studies (Fumagalli & Narciso, 2012; Horn, 2011; Persson, 2010; Stockemer & Parent, 2014; Stockemer & Scruggs, 2012), both indicate that the relationship between inequality and turnout is complex. These academics have developed two principal theories attempting to explain the effects of inequality on turnout, namely “power resource” and “conflict” theory.…”
Section: Turnout and Inequalitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Voter turnout has been on the decline in many advanced democracies. While scholars point to a range of causes—such as generational value change (Blais & Rubenson, 2013; Kostelka & Blais, 2021), party system convergence (Callander & Wilson, 2007), declining satisfaction with democracy (Foa et al, 2020), and increasing elective institutions (Kostelka & Blais, 2021)—mounting evidence points to rising income inequality as a culprit (Anderson & Beramendi, 2008; Jaime‐Castillo, 2009: Jensen & Jespersen, 2017; Lancee & Van de Werfhorst, 2012; Macdonald, 2021; Polacko, 2022a; Polacko et al, 2021; Schäfer, 2013; Schäfer & Schwander, 2019; Solt, 2008, 2010; Steinbrecher & Seeber, 2011; Szewczyk & Crowder‐Meyer, 2022; Wilford, 2020). Simultaneously, the once‐ascendent social democratic party family has experienced pronounced electoral decline.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%