When and why do some social cleavages become politically salient rather than others?

Posner, Daniel N.

doi:10.1080/01419870.2017.1277033

Cited by 28 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…A similar lack of coethnic bias has been found in public goods games played in Kenya, another context where ethnic divisions are thought to be highly salient (Berge et al 2015). It is also possible that sectarian differences only undermine cooperation among certain subgroups in the populationfor instance, those with stronger identity attachments or access to coethnic elites (Marshall, 2019)or only when ethnic identity is primed by political elites, for instance, during periods of electoral competition (Posner 2004(Posner , 2017.…”

Section: Class Versus Sectarian Differencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Class, Ethnicity, and Cooperation Among Women: Evidence from a Public Goods Experiment in Lebanon

Marshall

Paler

2020

J Exp Polit Sci

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While recent evidence suggests that women exhibit a high capacity to cooperate in all-women groups, existing research focuses on how women cooperate among themselves versus in mixed-gender situations. We still know little, however, about how social differences among women affect their collective action capacity. We examine this by implementing a public goods experiment in Lebanon in which 713 women and men were randomly assigned to play in same-gender groups that were either homogeneous or heterogeneous in their class and sectarian compositions. We show that women contribute significantly less in mixed-class groups while men contribute more, reinforcing that this pattern is unique to women. We also demonstrate that class differences can undermine women’s cooperation more than sectarian differences. These findings highlight how social differences – and class differences in particular – can impede women’s collective action capacity, revealing the potential barriers to building broad, gender-based coalitions to advance women’s rights and interests.

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Section: Class Versus Sectarian Differencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Class, Ethnicity, and Cooperation Among Women: Evidence from a Public Goods Experiment in Lebanon

Marshall

Paler

2020

J Exp Polit Sci

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“…It is also important to acknowledge that the classification of ethnic groups used in this study is necessarily schematic and oblivious to inherent complexities of ethnic identification and expression (see Brubaker, 2006; Burton et al., 2010; Fenton, 2010; Isaacs and Polese, 2015; Nandi and Platt, 2015) and to the multilayered cultural and regional subtleties that often cut across ethnic divides (Faranda and Nolle, 2011; Huskey, 1997; Radnitz, 2006). Moreover, ethnic identity is not a fixed attribute but is rather continuously constructed and situationally engaged with other forms of social identity and solidarity (Posner, 2017; Wimmer, 2013b). With the data at hand, I could capture the regional split within the titular group but were unable to measure and fully account for other multiple cross-cutting affinities and cleavages (cf.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Agadjanian

2019

Ethnicities

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The nation-building projects in much of post-socialist Eurasia have been characterized by the promotion of ethnic majorities and marginalization of minority groups. In dialogue with the scholarship on nation-building, ethnic exclusion and conflict, and ethnic migration, this study examines individual views on current and future interethnic relations, assessments of prospects for own ethnicity, expectations for future economic changes, and intentions to migrate abroad in the multiethnic nation of Kyrgyzstan. I use nationally representative survey data to model differences in these outcomes across the majority-minorities divides and between regional subgroups of the nation’s ethnic majority. The results show that a native minority that experienced recent ethnic violence has the most negative assessment of current interethnic relations. However, the minority group of outside origin, which never suffered direct violence but whose size and societal preeminence have eroded rapidly, is least optimistic about the future and is most inclined to migrate. Yet, the analyses also detect substantial regional differences within the ethnic majority, underscoring the complexity of historically-rooted ethnocultural and socioeconomic cleavages as well as of more recent political experiences. I interpret these findings within the context of evolving meanings of ethnic identity and national belonging in this rapidly changing society.

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“…Ethnicity refers to social entities that share areal or assumed -common origin, a cultural-linguistic legacy that collectively ties members of the group and is transmitted across generations (Ben-Rafael and Sternberg 2015; Jenkins 1997). The meaning of boundaries between regions and ethnic groups are socially constructed, and power plays a role in determining which of these are politically salient (Posner 2017). Boundaries can be drawn on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, culture, urbanity, geography, immigration status, 2 or a combination of these.…”

Section: The Chain Of Representation For Regional and Ethnic Minoritiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Regional and Ethnic Minorities

Ruedin¹

2020

The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies

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While members of regional and ethnic minorities can reach the highest echelons of power, in most contexts they remain politically marginalized and under-represented in formal politics. The heterogeneity of regional and ethnic minority groups creates a challenge for the study of representation if one wants to avoid the traps of essentialism and unrealistic assumptions. The inclusion of regional and ethnic minorities in legislatures and government can increase trust, alleviate conflict, and provide substantive representation. Much evidence shows that, on average, representatives of regional and ethnic minorities work in the name of their respective groups, especially in ‘low-cost’ activities like asking parliamentary questions. Such substantive representation should be the guiding principle, but the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation seems moderated by the context in which legislators operate.

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When and why do some social cleavages become politically salient rather than others?

Cited by 28 publications

References 23 publications

Class, Ethnicity, and Cooperation Among Women: Evidence from a Public Goods Experiment in Lebanon

Class, Ethnicity, and Cooperation Among Women: Evidence from a Public Goods Experiment in Lebanon

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

Regional and Ethnic Minorities

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