What Makes Terrorism Tick in Africa? Evidence from Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram

Abstract

This article, with reference to some of the biggest terrorist groups on the African continent, focuses on the challenges that nations face in combating the spread and effects of terrorism. While numerous studies have been undertaken to explain the causes, dynamics, and effects of terrorist groups, this work particularly dwells on how these groups sustain their operations. Additionally, the article implements document analysis in order to examine the challenges of addressing Al-Shabaab and Boko Haram in Africa. Fascinatingly, what emerges is that terrorist groups are highly organized. The article also argues that military strategy forms the backbone of terrorist survival. By avoiding direct combat, the groups are capable of prolonged episodes of fighting. While several campaigns have been waged to deal with terror, the scope under which these have been planned and executed explains why terrorism has survived for so long. The fact that conventional armies are not willing to commit as many foot soldiers as possible implies that terrorists will always be difficult to overcome. The article thus largely uses ‘military lens’ to analyze why terrorism has managed to upset conventional armies. Policy makers will find the article useful as the war on terror rages on, especially in stepping up counterterrorism measures.

The Triple-Nexus and Climate Change in Conflict-Affected Settings: Experiences, Lessons Learned, and Best Practices

“…Nonetheless, the lack of a stable central government that can provide access to justice and basic services, combined with the increasingly extreme environmental conditions that cause a lack of access to natural resources, pull and push the population to involvement with Al-Shabab (Mutanda 2017:35). The Islamist insurgent group mainly targets the youth who are unemployed, heavily impacted by the conflict, and in marginalized communities across Somalia, providing them a place to belong in a country where there is a lack of social justice and grievance mechanisms for these.…”

Al-Shabab and fundamental terrorism in Somalia

“…During the analysis of quantitative data, the researcher attempted to strictly adhere to the rules of coding so as to enhance scholarly verification of the study and conclusions drawn. Mutanda (2017b) contends that the term terrorism is not easy to define due to it being restricted to a particular context. Mutanda further argues that more than a hundred definitions try to describe terrorism in various contexts.…”

“…Mutanda further argues that more than a hundred definitions try to describe terrorism in various contexts. This is exemplified by the Kashmir, Palestinian, Kurd, Somali and Lebanese societies who see their armed forces as freedom fighters and not terrorists (Mutanda, 2017b). During the liberation struggle in the then Rhodesia which is now Zimbabwe, the colonial regime recognized the national liberation fighters as terrorists.…”

“…The Hezbollah case (a militant group and political party based in Lebanon founded in 1985) also provides the partisan character and challenges of defining terrorism. Except for Iran and Lebanon, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the Arab League announced the Lebanese movement which led to the formation of Hezbollah as a group of terrorists (Mutanda, 2017b). Canada, Australia and the United States (US) also labelled Hezbollah as a group of terrorists.…”

Discontinuity without change? the place and discourse of colonial memory in Zimbabwe’s post- Mugabe Zanu-PF politics.

“…and the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) affiliated with the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) which laid the foundations of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) are trapped with political parties whose conduct is assessed as authoritarian (Rupiya, 2005;Chung, 2006;Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2006;Tendi, 2013;Moyo, 2014;Moore, 2014;Maringira, 2017). Some critics argue that ZIPRA and ZANLA leadership were nurtured by Russian and Chinese training, respectively (Riley, 1982;Mutanda, 2017;Andrew and Gordievsky, 1990;Robinson and Acemoglu, 2012). Some critics further argue that both the ZDF and ZANU PF leaders have defined interests that are common or conflict depending on the situation at hand (Chung, 2006;Diamond, 2008;Acemoglu, Ticchi and Vindigni, 2010).…”