2019
DOI: 10.1080/00380253.2019.1580547
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What Does Trauma Have to Do with Politics? Cultural Trauma and the Displaced Founding Political Elites of Israel and Turkey

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Cited by 8 publications
(3 citation statements)
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References 55 publications
(29 reference statements)
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“…Olfactory claims have particular features that can allow them to be weaponized in the public sphere. Each of these can be imagined as a weakness: rationalists would argue that smells' apparently close relationship to emotion and memory should disqualify their use as evidence in rational debate, but of course scholars focused on emotion, and memory have shown, again and again, how central such "soft" and "personal" cultural structures can be to local, national, and international political deliberation and action (e.g., Ahmed 2004; Dromi and Türkmen 2020;Emirbayer and Goldberg 2005;Hochschild 2016;Tota 2003;Vinitzky-Seroussi and Teeger 2010). The fleeting nature of smells and the difficulty of independent confirmation allows claimants to leverage cultural structures that link olfactory experience with urgent public concerns.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Olfactory claims have particular features that can allow them to be weaponized in the public sphere. Each of these can be imagined as a weakness: rationalists would argue that smells' apparently close relationship to emotion and memory should disqualify their use as evidence in rational debate, but of course scholars focused on emotion, and memory have shown, again and again, how central such "soft" and "personal" cultural structures can be to local, national, and international political deliberation and action (e.g., Ahmed 2004; Dromi and Türkmen 2020;Emirbayer and Goldberg 2005;Hochschild 2016;Tota 2003;Vinitzky-Seroussi and Teeger 2010). The fleeting nature of smells and the difficulty of independent confirmation allows claimants to leverage cultural structures that link olfactory experience with urgent public concerns.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The political polarization in Korea also indicates dichotomic thinking-resulting from affective polarization between conservatism and progressivism, noting that the partisan divergence accompanies destructive effects on democracy (J. Kim 2022)-derived from cultural trauma without any consideration of liminality. Taking into account that the collective memory plays a role in structuring political movements' self-conception, and strategies for future action (Dromi and Türkmen 2020), it is observable how traumatic memories disrupt individuals and groups to identify liminal space for dialogue in political, social, and intercultural space (Watkins and Shulman 2008). Wonhee Anne Joh (2006) marks the Korean term of this tendency as dan, "the practice of severing/cutting off forms of oppression" (Joh 2006, p. 23).…”
Section: In-group Exclusion and Korean Christianitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, it is also part of a reaction influenced by the event and a macro level of cultural meaning of the event. For more discussions on the political representation of cultural trauma, see (Alexander and Gao 2012) and (Dromi and Türkmen 2020). The ongoing violence between Hamas and Israel proves their dichotomic opposition.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%