What does it take to be a great power? The story of France joining the Big Five

Heimann, Gadi

doi:10.1017/s0260210514000126

Cited by 24 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 36 publications

(8 reference statements)

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“…Indeed, the five permanent members were not selected based on their perceived capabilities alone. Both France and China were added in large part because of their status as major allies in the war, not their power capabilities (Bosco 2009, 24-26;Heimann 2015). 15 When the General Assembly met for the first time in London in January 1946, the legacy of the war still dominated discussions, and the Council's founders repeatedly associated it with the defeat of the Axis powers.…”

Section: Institutional Design and Founding Legitimacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Legitimacy Deficits of International Organizations: design, drift, and decoupling at the UN Security Council

Stephen

2018

Cambridge Review of International Affairs

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Section: Institutional Design and Founding Legitimacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Legitimacy Deficits of International Organizations: design, drift, and decoupling at the UN Security Council

Stephen

2018

Cambridge Review of International Affairs

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“…For example, the inclusion of France in the P5 mostly resulted from France's previous status as a great power, rather than from its material capabilities after World War II (Heimann, 2015). The observable implication of this argument is that high-status states should receive more recognition simply because of their position in the social structure, rather than because of the possession of status attributes.…”

Section: A Relational Theory Of Statusmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, since the status order involves all states, an ideal measure of status relations should cover all states. Some studies look only at great powers to identify status attributes (for example, Heimann, 2015;Neumann, 2008;Volgy et al, 2011). However, it is unclear how one could generalize the analysis of a specific group of states to all states.…”

Section: A Relational Empirical Strategymentioning

confidence: 99%

Recognizing International Status: A Relational Approach

Duque

2018

International Studies Quarterly

133

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How do states achieve status? Although we rely on status to explain important phenomena in international politics-such as wars and the foreign policy of emerging powers-we still do not understand what status is or where it comes from. Previous research treats status as a function of state attributes, such as wealth and military capability. Following Weber, I argue that status depends on social recognition: it concerns identification processes in which an actor gains admission into a club once they follow the rules of membership. Therefore, systematic social processes, which cannot be reduced to state attributes, influence status. In particular, status is self-reinforcing. Moreover, social closure influences status-which implies that (i) a state's existing relations influence its ability to achieve status, and (ii) states recognize similar states rather than states with the largest portfolio of certain attributes. To investigate the determinants of international status, I move beyond ranking states based on attributes to examine quantitatively how status emerges from state relations. Leveraging inferential network analysis, I examine state practices that express recognition-specifically, the network of embassies. The analysis indicates that self-reinforcing dynamics and social closure, rather than state attributes directly, drive status recognition.

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“…More generally, according to Harnisch (2011, p. 8) 'roles are social positions (as well as a socially recognised category of actors) that are constituted by ego and alter expectations regarding the purpose of an actor in an organised group'. Besides roles, the way international actors ascribe meanings, frame, and understand various key concepts in international relations-the international system, status in world politics, the nature of power, legitimacy, responsibility-is intrinsically shaped by their ideal self (Slaughter 2005;Evans 2009;Lake 2011;Beasley 2012;Goddard & Krebs 2015;Heimann 2015;Terhalle 2015;Flockhart 2016;Mattern & Zarakol 2016).…”

Section: Perceptions Of the Self (Ideal Self) In World Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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During the last two decades, one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood. The 2003 Security Strategy and the recent 2016Global Strategy highlighted the need to show that the EU can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. In this context, the aim of the essay is to explore the way the EU's 'ideal self' is constructed and perceived in the post-Soviet space. DURING THE LAST TWO DECADES, ONE OF THE CORNERSTONES OF THE foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been represented by the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood (Raik & Dinesen 2015). The 2003 Security Strategy 1 and the recent 2016 Global Strategy 2 highlighted the need to show that the European Union can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the 1 The 2003 Security Strategy highlighted the EU's ambition to play a key role in world politics, and the expectation that it would manage to influence its neighbourhood following the 2004/2007 'big bang' enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/europeansecurity-strategy-secure-europe-better-world 2 The 2016 Global Strategy stresses the fact that world politics has become less stable than a decade ago and require a different approach from the EU. The emphasis is on the need to develop an approach based on principled pragmatism, where the EU has more limited ambitions in international relations and seeks to pursue its interests in foreign policy. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/global-strategy-foreignand-security-policy-european-union 2 neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. This broad aim has been translated in various initiatives towards the neighbourhood such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) 3 , the Easter Partnership (EaP) 4 , and the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) 5 . As part of the European neighbourhood, the post-Soviet space has thus received significant attention from the EU, who aimed to shape both the domestic and foreign policies of the countries in the region. However, the EU's track record of shaping developments in the post-Soviet space has been at best mixed (Ademmer 2014), given the reluctance of some post-Soviet states to go beyond rhetoric in adapting their policies as well as EU member states' unwillingness and lack of commitment to fully support the union's approach to the region (Nilsson & Silander 2016). EU ouvertures have also been received with scepticism by some post-Soviet states, which tend to see EU policy towards the region as deeply unilateral, asymmetrical, and without regard for the specificities or needs of each country (Delcour 2010). Most of the findings from the open literature refer to the EU's ability to promote its integration project in the post-Soviet states, that is, the ...

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What does it take to be a great power? The story of France joining the Big Five

Cited by 24 publications

References 36 publications

Legitimacy Deficits of International Organizations: design, drift, and decoupling at the UN Security Council

Legitimacy Deficits of International Organizations: design, drift, and decoupling at the UN Security Council

Recognizing International Status: A Relational Approach

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

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