What are we missing? Explaining immigrant-origin voter turnout with standard and immigrant-specific theories

Spies, Dennis C.; Mayer, Sabrina Jasmin; Goerres, Achim

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2019.102103

Cited by 20 publications

(25 citation statements)

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“…Certain levels of item non-response are common in most surveys and are thus often part of research (for example, Berinsky 2008; Tourangeau, Rips, and Rasinski 2012). In general, two reasons for item non-response are discussed (Riphahn and Serfling 2005; Tourangeau, Rips, and Rasinski 2012): either respondents do not want to provide answers, for example, due to the sensitive nature of questions (Tourangeau and Yan 2007); or respondents are not able to provide answers because they do not understand the question, are not able to recall the content it taps (for example, vote choice several years ago) or honestly do not have an opinion because they never/rarely dealt with the question's topic (Kroh 2006; Riphahn and Serfling 2005).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

Goerres

Mayer

Spies

2021

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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Immigrants now constitute a sizeable and rapidly growing group among many Western countries' electorates, but analyses of their party preferences remain limited. Theoretically, immigrants' party preferences might be explained with both standard electoral theories and immigrant-specific approaches. In this article, we rigorously test both perspectives against each other using the most recent data from Germany. Applying the Michigan model, with its three central explanatory variables – party identification, issue orientations and candidate evaluations – to the party preferences of immigrant-origin and native voters, we find that this standard model can explain both groups well. In contrast, we find no direct effects of the most prominent immigrant-specific variables, and neither do these meaningfully moderate the Michigan variables. However, we find strong formative effects on the presence of political attitudes and beliefs: immigrants with a longer time spent in Germany, a stronger German identity and less experience of discrimination report significantly fewer item non-responses for the Michigan model's main explanatory variables.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

Goerres

Mayer

Spies

2021

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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“…Appendix Table A5 demonstrates that these results are robust to including time dummies for the quarter of arrival, suggesting that these findings are not influenced by temporal effects. This pattern is surprising given the documented relationship between socio-economic status and immigrants' political engagement within other contexts (Bevelander and Pendakur, 2009;Spies, Mayer, and Goerres, 2020). Given the labour market effects of the program, it is plausible to expect that higher economic status and stability would have downstream effects on political participation.…”

Section: Social and Political Integrationmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…7 A secure livelihood provides immigrants with the time and resources to pursue their social interests and express their political preferences. Several empirical studies document a positive relationship between socio-economic status and immigrants' political engagement (Bevelander and Pendakur, 2009;Aleksynska, 2011;Spies, Mayer, and Goerres, 2020), suggesting it is plausible that social and political integration will follow from economic integration. However, there is evidence that these integration paths may not be as tightly correlated as expected by policymakers (Maxwell, 2012;Verkuyten, 2016).…”

Section: Integration Requirements and Programsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Integration Courses Promote Refugees’ Social and Political Integration? Evidence from Norway

Ferwerda¹,

Finseraas²

2022

Preprint

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Many European countries have implemented mandatory integration courses for refugees and asylum seekers. While evaluations suggest that these programs can improve short-term economic outcomes, little is known about their effectiveness in promoting social and political integration over the long run. In this paper, we focus on the Norwegian Introductory Program, an intensive policy intervention which requires two years of full-time coursework. To identify the causal effect of the program, we leverage quasi-random variation in refugees' arrival dates during the roll-out period. Although we find positive effects on economic integration, we find that the program did not meaningfully influence social or political integration over the long run, as measured via annual administrative data on residential patterns, union membership, intermarriage, citizenship, and validated turnout in local and national elections. This conclusion is further supported by an analysis of the effect of the program on political and social attitudes. Our findings suggest that while introductory programs may improve refugees' economic situation, mandatory coursework is nevertheless ineffective at promoting integration across other domains.

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“…Mit Bezug auf Migrantinnen und Migranten 5 als spezifische Wahlbevölkerung in allgemeinen Wahlen lassen sich die genannten Einflüsse um die Faktoren ethnische Netzwerke, Diskriminierungserfahrungen und ethnische Identität erweitern (Müssig 2020; Spies et al 2020). Unklar ist allerdings ihre Wirkrichtung.…”

Section: Theorien Der Wahlbeteiligungunclassified

Grenzen politischer Repräsentation: Determinanten der Wahlbeteiligung bei Integrationsratswahlen in Nordrhein-Westfalen

2022

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ZusammenfassungDie Wahl der Integrationsräte auf Kommunalebene ist für Nicht-EU-Ausländerinnen und -Ausländer faktisch die einzige Möglichkeit elektoraler politischer Interessenartikulation. Gleichzeitig sind die politischen Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten von Integrationsräten begrenzt und die Wahlbeteiligung bei Integrationsratswahlen ist typischerweise deutlich geringer als die Wahlbeteiligung bei Kommunalwahlen. Das dadurch entstehende Repräsentationsdefizit für eine substanzielle, in Deutschland lebende Minderheit ist sowohl aus normativ-demokratiebezogenen Gesichtspunkten als auch vor dem Hintergrund der politischen Integration von Zugewanderten problematisch. In dieser Studie untersuchen wir Gründe für die oftmals gering ausfallende Wahlbeteiligung bei Integrationsratswahlen. Aufbauend auf etablierten Theorien zur Wahlbeteiligung beziehen wir allgemeine und migrationsspezifische Faktoren ein und analysieren Strukturdaten aus 2020 für 107 Gemeinden aus Nordrhein-Westfalen – dem Bundesland, in dem rund ein Viertel aller Integrationsräte in Deutschland zu finden sind. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen belegen, dass insbesondere die Involvierung etablierter Parteien sowie eine umfangreiche kommunalpolitische Beteiligungskultur mit einer höheren Wahlbeteiligung bei Integrationsratswahlen einhergehen. Migrationsspezifische Faktoren spielen hingegen eine eher untergeordnete Rolle.

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What are we missing? Explaining immigrant-origin voter turnout with standard and immigrant-specific theories

Cited by 20 publications

References 25 publications

A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

A New Electorate? Explaining the Party Preferences of Immigrant-Origin Voters at the 2017 Bundestag Election

Do Integration Courses Promote Refugees’ Social and Political Integration? Evidence from Norway

Grenzen politischer Repräsentation: Determinanten der Wahlbeteiligung bei Integrationsratswahlen in Nordrhein-Westfalen

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