What about lexical semantics if syntax is the only generative component of the grammar?

Pross, Tillmann

doi:10.1007/s11049-018-9410-7

Cited by 39 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…The semantic distinction we aim to correlate with the split formation of participles in German concerns the type of property that underlies the state described in predicative constructions with ge-prefixed participles as in (1-b) and participles of prefix-verbs as in (2-b). Following Pross (2019), we assume that the state described with participles of prefixverbs as in (2-b) derives from an "individual property". Individual properties are prototypically exemplified by predicative constructions with adjectives as in (3).…”

Section: Goals Of the Papermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…17and 18are one but many examples where the unprefixed base verb has no ung-nominalization but the prefixed verb has an ung-nominalization (see e.g. the corpus study in Roßdeutscher 2010 and further discussion in Pross 2019). 17a.…”

Section: Event Structure and German Ung-nominalizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Note that it is for this reason that we gloss the quality associated with the root √mal in (23) as 'mark'. While determining the meaning of a particular be-prefixed construction may turn out to be difficult, the actual value of an analysis of the prefix be-as in Pross (2019) shows up in comparison with adjectives. Like adjectives, be-prefixed participles license superlative constructions (27).…”

Section: Quality Predication With Be-prefixed Participlesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Towards a correlation of form, use and meaning of German <i>ge</i>-prefixed predicative participles

Pross

Roßdeutscher

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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We argue for a split semantics of German predicative participle constructions, depending on whether or not the formation of the participle involves prefixation with the dedicated morpheme ge-. Against the background of the analysis of participles of German be-prefixed verbs proposed in Pross (2019), and using the licensing of superlative constructions and ung-nominalizations as tests, we show that ge-prefixed participles denote a result relation between a property of an event and an individual. In contrast, be-prefixed participles, like adjectives, denote properties of individuals. We cast the distinction between event properties and individual properties in a compositional semantics of ge-and be-prefixed participles and show how the resulting semantic distinction allows to predict the distinction between target and resultant state participles drawn in Kratzer (2000) without using the questionable immer noch 'still' test.

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Section: Goals Of the Papermentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Event Structure and German Ung-nominalizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Quality Predication With Be-prefixed Participlesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Towards a correlation of form, use and meaning of German <i>ge</i>-prefixed predicative participles

Pross

Roßdeutscher

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…The lack of a universal isomorphic connection between phases and 'local interface boundaries' is not limited to the PF-interface; see Pross (2019) for recent challenges to a late-insertion model concerning the lexical semantics of German nominalizations.…”

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confidence: 99%

Relativized Prosodic Domains: A Late-Insertion Account of German Plurals

Schuhmann

Putnam

2021

Languages

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In late-insertion, realizational models of morphology such as Distributed Morphology (DM), the insertion of Vocabulary Items (VIs) is conditioned by cyclic operations in the syntax. This paper explores whether an isomorphic relationship can be established between cyclic operations such as phases and prosodic domains. In the spirit of D’Alessandro and Scheer’s (2015) proposal of a Modular Phase Impenetrability Condition (MPIC), we strive to provide an analysis in which prosodic boundaries in even smaller, word-level-like syntactic structures—the ‘lexical domain’—can be identified solely within the syntax. We propose a DM-account for the distribution of nominal plural exponency in German, which reveals a dominant trend for a trochaic-foot structure for all but -s-plural exponents (Wiese 2001, 2009). Inspired by Gouskova’s (2019) and Svenonius’ (2016) work concerning the prosody–morphology interface, we argue that the index of a Prosodic Word ω in non-s-plurals is associated with a specific feature configuration. We propose that only a n[+pl(ural)] configuration, in which the nominalizing head n hosts the SynSem-feature Num(ber)[+pl(ural)], rather than a general cyclic categorizing phase head such as n, indexes a Prosodic Word ω for nominal plural exponents in (Standard) German. Based on this empirical evidence from German plural exponency, we argue that (i) prosodic boundaries can be established directly by syntactic structures, (ii) these prosodic boundaries condition VI insertion during the initial stages of Spell-Out, and (iii) prosodic domains are based on individual languages’ syntactic structures and feature configurations, and are thus relativized and language-specific in nature.

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Dispositions and the verbal description of their manifestations: a case study on Emission Verbs

Pross

2019

Linguist and Philos

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What about lexical semantics if syntax is the only generative component of the grammar?

Cited by 39 publications

References 30 publications

Towards a correlation of form, use and meaning of German <i>ge</i>-prefixed predicative participles

Towards a correlation of form, use and meaning of German <i>ge</i>-prefixed predicative participles

Relativized Prosodic Domains: A Late-Insertion Account of German Plurals

Dispositions and the verbal description of their manifestations: a case study on Emission Verbs

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