Abstract:This paper discusses three basic ways in which loanwords pattern differently than native vocabulary, with a particular focus on the implicational relationships that hold among generalizations that apply at different degrees of nativization. We argue that the overall typology and the effects of the core-periphery structure are best modeled if constraints are weighted as in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre, Miyata & Smolensky 1990), and violation scores are scaled according to degree of nativization. The implicati… Show more
“…While Poser analyses these apparent cases of ‘word-internal phrase boundary’ as the result of prosodic prespecification, the proposal in this paper suggests that an alternative analysis without prespecification is possible. More broadly, it predicts similar interactions between lexical exceptionality and other patterns of context-sensitivity that can be modelled through constraint scaling, such as lexical category (Smith 2011) or degree of nativisation (Hsu & Jesney 2017, 2018).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Previous work has shown that many influences on phonological patterns can be successfully modelled by scalar constraints, whose penalties are adjusted on the basis of some contextual property. Constraint scaling can account for a range of phonological patterns that depend on a scale or hierarchy, including continuous phonetic values (Flemming 2001, Cho 2011, McAllister Byun 2011, Ryan 2011), perceptual distance (McCollum 2018), the sonority scale (Pater 2012, 2016, Jesney 2015), trigger and target strength in vowel harmony (Kimper 2011), morphological locality in vowel harmony (McPherson & Hayes 2016), prosodic boundary strength (Hsu & Jesney 2016), distance from prosodic boundaries (Inkelas & Wilbanks 2018), lexical category and frequency (Coetzee & Kawahara 2013, Linzen et al 2013) and degree of nativisation (Hsu & Jesney 2017, 2018).…”
Section: Scalar Constraint Analysis Of Restrictions On ṽXmentioning
This paper presents an analysis of exceptional prosodification effects, in which exceptional lexical items appear to follow a regular pattern that is found in a different prosodic context. These patterns have been analysed as cases of prosodic prespecification, where morphemes select a non-default prosodic representation. I argue that prespecification approaches should be reconsidered, and that such patterns are predicted without morpheme-specific prosody in Gradient Harmonic Grammar, a weighted constraint system with gradiently active symbols. Exceptional prosodification effects result from the interaction of two influences on constraint penalties: (i) scaling of constraint violations by prosodic context and (ii) contrastive activity values in underlying forms. This interaction is illustrated with the distribution of French nasal vowels and linking [n]. This approach reduces the amount of structure posited for URs, and provides new arguments for a more uniform syntax–prosody mapping.
“…While Poser analyses these apparent cases of ‘word-internal phrase boundary’ as the result of prosodic prespecification, the proposal in this paper suggests that an alternative analysis without prespecification is possible. More broadly, it predicts similar interactions between lexical exceptionality and other patterns of context-sensitivity that can be modelled through constraint scaling, such as lexical category (Smith 2011) or degree of nativisation (Hsu & Jesney 2017, 2018).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Previous work has shown that many influences on phonological patterns can be successfully modelled by scalar constraints, whose penalties are adjusted on the basis of some contextual property. Constraint scaling can account for a range of phonological patterns that depend on a scale or hierarchy, including continuous phonetic values (Flemming 2001, Cho 2011, McAllister Byun 2011, Ryan 2011), perceptual distance (McCollum 2018), the sonority scale (Pater 2012, 2016, Jesney 2015), trigger and target strength in vowel harmony (Kimper 2011), morphological locality in vowel harmony (McPherson & Hayes 2016), prosodic boundary strength (Hsu & Jesney 2016), distance from prosodic boundaries (Inkelas & Wilbanks 2018), lexical category and frequency (Coetzee & Kawahara 2013, Linzen et al 2013) and degree of nativisation (Hsu & Jesney 2017, 2018).…”
Section: Scalar Constraint Analysis Of Restrictions On ṽXmentioning
This paper presents an analysis of exceptional prosodification effects, in which exceptional lexical items appear to follow a regular pattern that is found in a different prosodic context. These patterns have been analysed as cases of prosodic prespecification, where morphemes select a non-default prosodic representation. I argue that prespecification approaches should be reconsidered, and that such patterns are predicted without morpheme-specific prosody in Gradient Harmonic Grammar, a weighted constraint system with gradiently active symbols. Exceptional prosodification effects result from the interaction of two influences on constraint penalties: (i) scaling of constraint violations by prosodic context and (ii) contrastive activity values in underlying forms. This interaction is illustrated with the distribution of French nasal vowels and linking [n]. This approach reduces the amount of structure posited for URs, and provides new arguments for a more uniform syntax–prosody mapping.
“…This pattern, however, differs from the core–periphery structures reported so far for natural language. Hsu and Jesney (2018) report that there are three patterns found in the core–periphery model of the lexicon displayed in (10a). Figure 1:Contemporary Yoruba Phonological Lexicon…”
Section: Emergence Of New Grammars In Contemporary Yoruba Phonologymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…A major characteristic of the core–periphery model of the lexicon is that phonological generalizations that hold in the core ‘vary in how far they extend into the less nativized periphery’ (Hsu and Jesney 2018, after Holden 1976). It is generally assumed for the core–periphery model in (10a) that native words occupy the core where markedness restrictions native to a language are strictly enforced.…”
Section: Emergence Of New Grammars In Contemporary Yoruba Phonologymentioning
This article provides a description and an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of contact-induced changes and variation in contemporary Yoruba syllable structure. The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.
“…Stratum-specific faithfulness constraints are used to model stratum-specific behavior, with higher-ranked faithfulness constraints corresponding to more-peripheral strata-in which, therefore, the lower-ranked markedness constraints come to be dominated. The precise details of the nature of faithfulness and markedness constraint interaction for modeling lexical strata are still under debate; see, for example, Inkelas & Zoll (2007) and Hsu & Jesney (2017, 2018 for alternative approaches.…”
The core-periphery structure of the Japanese lexicon is well documented (e.g., Ito & Mester 1995ab, 1999), but there is some controversy as to whether it is synchronically productive. Productive core-periphery structure should show synchronic evidence for a HIERARCHY OF FOREIGNNESS (Kiparsky 1973) among non-native phonological structures, and should give rise to IMPOSSIBLE-NATIVIZATION EFFECTS (Ito & Mester 1999, 2001)--speakers should reject a nonce loanword that nativizes a 'less-foreign' structure while preserving a 'more-foreign' one. We carried out an experiment to collect nonce-loan nativization judgments from speakers of Japanese in order to test these claims. We found, first, that participants have a hierarchy of foreignness that is approximately like the predicted one, but differs in the relative markedness of singleton [p] and sequences of nasal+voiceless obstruent; we also found some interspeaker variation in the hierarchy. Second, while most participants showed nativization preferences that look like impossible- nativization effects, not all participants had a consistent hierarchy of preferences across all constraint pairs. These results have implications both for the phonological analysis of existing stratum-specific alternations in Japanese and for theoretical approaches to loanword phonology.
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