We Remember with Reverence and Love

Diner, Hasia R.

doi:10.18574/nyu/9780814785232.001.0001

Cited by 9 publications

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“…and the threat to 'democrats of all parties'. 107 This leitmotif of antisemitism as precursor for a wider attack on civil liberties, democracy and the labour movement is perhaps what most united the NCCL with the left-wing organisations dealt with here. It was quite natural for the NCCL to campaign on the basis of fascism's potential for causing future harm to British civil liberties rather than purely on its alleged links to the Holocaust as a historical, European event.…”

Section: The Nccl: Antifascism the Holocaust And Civil Libertiesmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…Also in response to Novick, Hasia Diner claimed that the Holocaust actually 'infused every sector of American Jewry' in the 1950s and 1960s. 107 Diner looked to the archives of Jewish communal institutions, high school literary productions, yeshivot [rabbinical seminaries], philanthropic, cultural and social organisations, finding that, 'all had a share in remembering the six million and in using their memory to shape the postwar world.' 108 Diner pointed to the catalysing effect of world events on Jewish commemoration in America: the popular success of John Hersey's The Wall (1950) about the Warsaw Ghetto, the publication of The Diary of Anne Frank in English (1952), revelations of Soviet antisemitism, and the Conference of Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (established in 1951), among many others.…”

Section: Holocaust Remembrance In Britainmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In order that we might grasp the fruits of victory, Mosley and his gang must be outlawed. 108 Here, it should be noted that Snell's reference to the gas chambers was not clarified by a focus on the victims of these murderous devices and so cannot be said to have signalled 'Holocaust consciousnesses', especially in the light of 107 Ibid. 108 D.H Snell to Home Secretary (11 January 1946), in The National Archives, HO 45/24467/260, cited in Renton, Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain, p.78.…”

Section: Trade Unions and Labour Movement Organisationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In July 1963, it was suggested that a silent or sit-down protest in Trafalgar Square against the NSM, 'would not only affect Jews but non-Jews', and that the trade union movement should be invited to join with the Board in a counter demonstration. 107 The politics of race were increasingly evident in the run up to 1964 General Election, held in October. According to Miles and Phizacklea, the Smethwick campaign was still atypical: its notoriety stemmed from its revealing that racism could sway voters and the extent to which Peter Griffiths' Conservative campaign intensified and harnessed racist attitudes.…”

Section: Jewish Antifascist Responses To Notting Hillmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Fifteen years after the horrors of Belsen, Buchenwald and the other fascist concentration camps, the menace of fascism is once again raising its head in western Europe. 107 Healy did not expand on the nature of the concentration camps or their victims.…”

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confidence: 99%

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British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1945–79

Cohen¹

2022

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British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1945-67 Joshua Cohen This thesis explores the extent to which the Holocaust shaped British antifascism in the period 1945-1967. It makes an original contribution in setting out the first dedicated analysis of the relationship between consciousness of the Nazi genocide and motivations for confronting fascism in Britain. The study has interrogated institutional archival records to assess the presence of the Holocaust in the private discourses, propaganda and campaign strategies of a wide variety of antifascist organisations. Personal motivations for antifascist activism have been engaged with through analysis of memoirs, autobiographies and oral histories. The thesis will demonstrate that the Holocaust was often absent from antifascist rhetoric, and so should be decentred from understandings that assume constant affinity between Holocaust remembrance and British antifascism. Instead, antifascism in this period was often conceptualised in a patriotic framework, as coda to the Second World War, or viewed through left-wing analyses of class struggle which obscured fascism's 'racial' victims. However, the central importance of this study lies in its revealing that a Holocaust-inspired resistance to fascism was emerging in this period and beginning to co-exist with patriotic and other forms of antifascism. The 'lessons' of the Holocaust for antifascists were the subject of agonised internal disputes and became a point of open conflict between militant and establishment Anglo-Jewish organisations. The genocide was also politicised in a number of antifascist campaigns, including on the Left and in the name of civil liberties. The thesis therefore argues for 1945-67 as a vital transitional period when use of the Holocaust as a weapon against fascism was developing, albeit sometimes on the fringes of antifascist discourse. In this way, the period presaged the more confident later invocations of the genocide, including in activism against the National Front in the 1970s.

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Section: The Nccl: Antifascism the Holocaust And Civil Libertiesmentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: Holocaust Remembrance In Britainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Trade Unions and Labour Movement Organisationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Jewish Antifascist Responses To Notting Hillmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1945–79

Cohen¹

2022

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Human Rights as Political Imaginary

López

2018

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Ich Bin Adolf Eichmann: A Screenplay

Wherry¹

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! 7! why he learned Hebrew and not Yiddish, given that most European Jews spoke Yiddish. He told Malkin, "But, you see, language is mentality. One cannot understand the problem of the Jewish people without understanding its original language." 12 Mildenstein also supported Eichmann's interest in Jewish studies by giving Eichmann many texts on Zionism, such as Theodor Herzl's text on the creation and necessity for a Jewish sate, Der Judenstaat. Eichmann wrote a very successful report of the book that was published in an SS orientation booklet. 13 Through Eichmann's success in the department, he was allowed to travel to Palestine to meet with Zionist leaders who wanted Jews to emigrate there. The SD liked the idea since they wanted the Jews out of the natural living space in Germany. Through Eichmann's trips to Palestine and his knowledge of Jewish studies, Eichmann was able to become an expert on Jewish affairs. Eichmann's role in the SD ratified and supported his feelings of anti-Semitism. His first initial claims of anti-Semitism can be seen in the reports that Eichmann wrote about his trip to Palestine. Upon Eichmann's return to Germany. he lead a presentation on, "World Jewry: Its Political Activity and The Implications of the Activity on the Jews Residing in Germany." 14 The speech outlined numerous conspiracies, such as, that the Palestinian economy was terrible due to the lack of Aryans, "[Jews] defrauding each other, because there was a lack of Aryans to do business with." 15 He further added "Characteristic of the total inability of Jews to manage an orderly economy in their own country is the fact in Jerusalem alone, there are forty Jewish banks that survive

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We Remember with Reverence and Love

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1945–79

British Antifascism and the Holocaust, 1945–79

Human Rights as Political Imaginary

Ich Bin Adolf Eichmann: A Screenplay

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