Abstract:A key objection raised by terrorism scholars and policymakers against engaging in negotiations with terrorists is that it legitimizes terrorist groups, their goals and their means. Talking to them would serve only to incite more violence and weaken the fabric of democratic states, they argue. With the emergence of Al-Qaeda and its complex transnational structure, many have added another objection: Who does one talk to? Faced with such a multifaceted, horizontal organization, how does one engage? This article o… Show more
“…2. For a detailed discussion on legitimacy and complexity in engaging with terrorism, see Toros (2008).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On Chechnya, Russell (2005) explores how far the demonisation of the Chechens has become a major obstacle to peace. Similarly, Toros (2008) explores how the naming of a group as "terrorist" can forestall non-violent responses to terrorism.…”
Section: Literature On the Effects Of Proscribing Armed Groupsmentioning
This article explores the effects of proscription -the act of listing an armed group as a designated terrorist organisation -as an example of how international counterterrorist policy can impact on the possibility for third-party actors to engage with listed armed groups in the context of peace processes. From a peace practitioner's perspective, the article draws on findings from a series of workshops organised with high-level mediators, counterterrorism policy-makers and diplomats, and interviews with policy actors and non-governmental peace-building organisations. The article concludes that the listing of armed groups as terrorist organisations is having serious consequences on the ability of third-party actors to engage with armed groups. It has affected both of the preconditions of access and trust, thereby narrowing the possibilities for third parties to effectively understand groups, influence them, affect their strategic calculations and train them in conflict resolution. The global proscription regime appears to be eroding in practice, with state third-party actors choosing to opt out of international proscription regimes. Doubts about the legality of third-party engagement are creating a new selective pressure on what types of conflict resolution activities are possible.
“…2. For a detailed discussion on legitimacy and complexity in engaging with terrorism, see Toros (2008).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On Chechnya, Russell (2005) explores how far the demonisation of the Chechens has become a major obstacle to peace. Similarly, Toros (2008) explores how the naming of a group as "terrorist" can forestall non-violent responses to terrorism.…”
Section: Literature On the Effects Of Proscribing Armed Groupsmentioning
This article explores the effects of proscription -the act of listing an armed group as a designated terrorist organisation -as an example of how international counterterrorist policy can impact on the possibility for third-party actors to engage with listed armed groups in the context of peace processes. From a peace practitioner's perspective, the article draws on findings from a series of workshops organised with high-level mediators, counterterrorism policy-makers and diplomats, and interviews with policy actors and non-governmental peace-building organisations. The article concludes that the listing of armed groups as terrorist organisations is having serious consequences on the ability of third-party actors to engage with armed groups. It has affected both of the preconditions of access and trust, thereby narrowing the possibilities for third parties to effectively understand groups, influence them, affect their strategic calculations and train them in conflict resolution. The global proscription regime appears to be eroding in practice, with state third-party actors choosing to opt out of international proscription regimes. Doubts about the legality of third-party engagement are creating a new selective pressure on what types of conflict resolution activities are possible.
“…Even in circumstances in which leaders recognize that there might be benefits to seeking a negotiated agreement with a group that employs terrorist violence, public opposition may make it too politically costly for leaders to pursue such negotiations. During the conflict in Northern Ireland, for example, the British government adopted a public policy of refusing to negotiate with the Irish Republican Army (IRA) (Neumann, 2007;Toros, 2008); in the words of a spokesman for British Prime Minister Thatcher, "We do not negotiate with terrorists and have no intention of negotiating with the IRA or their political wing" (Longworth, 1990). In fact, the British Government, which had seen the potential utility of exploring a negotiated settlement with the IRA, had for years pursued secret, back-channel negotiations with the IRA.…”
Section: The Dynamics Of Public -Leadership Interactionsmentioning
Scholars and political commentators have long noted that domestic or internal politics can play a significant role in the development of foreign (or other intergroup) relations. In the context of international (or other intergroup) conflicts, the literature notes that such features as disparate interests within a group or leader-constituent dynamics can impede the prospects for intergroup conflict resolution. Scholarly writing on the topic, however, tends to be cabined along disciplinary lines. This article is interdisciplinary and draws lessons from different fields, particularly from political science and social psychology, to describe various intragroup structures and dynamics that can constitute barriers to intergroup conflict resolution. Among other observations, the article notes the unintended effect that statements directed towards one audience in a conflict setting (i.e. the negotiating adversary or key outside actors in the international community) may have on the other audience (i.e. the speaker's domestic constituency), and how these effects can serve to diminish the prospects for conflict resolution.
“…Facing this reality, we sought, in this investigation, to ally scientific literature to an array of other researches from foreign investigators that lean over this reality. (Bolaji 2010;Hoffman 1998;Hutchinson and O'Mallery 2007;Wardlaw 1982;Warren 2012;Toros 2008). This problem arises because it is not exact what terrorism is and according to whose perspectives.…”
Section: Final Notes and Geostrategic Recommendationsmentioning
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