War and identity: the case of the Donbas in Ukraine

Sasse, Gwendolyn; Lackner, Alice

doi:10.1080/1060586x.2018.1452209

Cited by 71 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 49 publications

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“…Belonging to Ukraine is essential for most of our respondents, and these feelings echo Sasse and Lackner's (2018) results, which suggest that "Ukrainian citizenship is (and was) by far the most prevalent self-reported identity in the Kyiv-controlled Donbas and among the IDPs" (153). Therefore, informants feel disillusioned with the necessity to have the additional status of IDPs.…”

Section: Borders Of Social Control: State Policies Towards Registratimentioning

confidence: 54%

Forced Displacement from Ukraine’s War-Torn Territories: Intersectionality and Power Geometry

Kuznetsova

Mikheieva

2020

Nationalities Papers

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The number of internally forcibly displaced persons is growing every year across the globe and exceeds the number of refugees. To date, Ukraine has the highest number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Europe, with about 1.4 million people forced to flee from the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Employing Massey’s concept of ‘power geometry’, the modalities of borders, and taking an intersectional approach, this article theorizes how IDPs are situated politically within a protracted conflict. Such an approach offers the chance to see how the reaction to the war brings authorities to see displaced people as a static category and reproduces a war-lexicon in policies, which fractures the space of everyday life. Drawing upon qualitative research on IDPs, the civil society, international organizations, and public officials in Ukraine, the article concludes that intersections of gender and older age with displacement, and the lack of state recognition of these differing groups of IDPs, together with the lack of the economic resources for social policy, produces multiple forms of social exclusion.

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Section: Borders Of Social Control: State Policies Towards Registratimentioning

confidence: 54%

Forced Displacement from Ukraine’s War-Torn Territories: Intersectionality and Power Geometry

Kuznetsova

Mikheieva

2020

Nationalities Papers

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“…Ultimately, it seems that both government papers are less interested in portraying the lived experiences of the displaced. While some identity polarisation among current and former Donbas residents has been observed as a result of the conflict, many displaced people still do not see a discrepancy between a commitment to Ukraine and mixed or bilingual identities (Sasse & Lackner 2018). Also, the absolute majority (71.5%) of Ukrainians polled in a recent survey opined that most IDPs (pereselentsi) from Donbas consider themselves Ukrainian citizens, with the same rights and obligations as everyone else.…”

Section: Conclusion: Statecraft or Statehoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Victims, Villains, or Geopolitical Tools? Representations of Donbas Displacement in Ukrainian and Russian Government Media

Rimpiläinen¹

2020

Europe-Asia Studies

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This essay examines how the Ukrainian and Russian government-owned newspapers, Uriadovyi Kurier and Rossiiskaya Gazeta, represent people displaced by the war in Donbas, analysing the political goals revealed by these publications' attitudes towards the displaced. While the Ukrainian publication delimits the nation by distinguishing 'real' internally displaced people (IDPs) deserving help and 'fake' IDPs guilty of siphoning Ukrainian taxpayers' money to rebel-held areas, the Russian paper foregrounds the Russian state's competence in managing displacement while silencing the displaced themselves. 'A WHOLE SCHEME OF FRAUDSTERS POSING AS INTERNALLY displaced people and receiving millions of hryvnias from the state budget has been revealed', claimed Arsenii Yatseniuk in February 2016, at that time the prime minister of Ukraine, justifying the halting of the payment of social benefits to 150,000 people. 1 In the same month, in a meeting held in Minsk, the secretary of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Nikolai Bordyuzha, stated: the 1.5 million refugees from Ukraine in Russia, and the thousands of refugees from Ukraine in Belarus, are employed, do not organise demonstrations, do not ask for social guarantees or excessive attention to themselves …. This is the result of the work of the authorities, who have done everything possible to prevent tensions. (Bogdanov 2016

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“…A growing number of studies are attempting to trace these effects on Ukrainian political elites, perceptions of the Ukrainian state and citizenship, and the status of the Ukrainian language (Kulyk 2016(Kulyk , 2018Onuch et al 2018;Onuch & Hale 2018;Sasse & Lackner 2019). There is, however, considerably less attention, both among policymakers and the scholarly community, on the individuals most directly affected by the war, that is, the residents in both parts of the currently divided Donbas region and the displaced (Sasse & Lackner 2018).…”

Section: Framing the Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Empirical research on Bosnia & Hercegovina and Croatia, for example, has called this hypothesis about the polarisation of ethnic and social identities into question, showing instead that those directly involved in or affected by war do not become more ethnonationalist (Massey et al 2003;Sekulic 2004;Dyrstad 2012). In the case of Ukraine, recent survey data have revealed that the experience of war can sustain or even reinforce mixed and civic identities (Sasse & Lackner 2018.…”

Section: The Study Of War and Political Violencementioning

confidence: 99%

The Displaced as ‘Ordinary Citizens’: Exploring Variation in the Political Attitudes of the Displaced from Donbas

Sasse¹,

Lackner

2020

Europe-Asia Studies

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Based on original survey data, this essay analyses the political attitudes of individuals displaced by the war in eastern Ukraine. We systematically compare attitudinal differences and similarities along three axes: the displaced relative to the resident population; the displaced in Ukraine relative to the displaced in Russia; and the displaced from the (non-)government-controlled areas relative to the resident population in the (non-)government-controlled areas of Donbas. This fine-grained comparative analysis highlights the variety of attitudes held by the displaced, similarities in attitudes across displacement locations, and the effect of war casualties on attitudes and self-declared political interest. WAR AND DISPLACEMENT FUNDAMENTALLY DISRUPT PEOPLE'S everyday lives. These disruptions are likely to shape attitudes and behaviour, but social scientists tend to lack the data to study the attitudes of those who are most directly affected by war. Beyond a focus on the needs, health and rights of the displaced, or their views on issues directly related to the war-for example, their self-reported identities and perspectives on inter-group relations or proposals for peace-we lack a good understanding of the views of these individuals on a wider range of political issues. What do people experiencing war and displacement think of democracy or the direction their country is headed in, and how interested are they in politics in general? Including these issues in the discussion prevents us from reducing the people exposed to war and displacement to these experiences. Painting a fuller picture of their attitudes also provides us with an insight into some of the more long-term political challenges linked to war and displacement.

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War and identity: the case of the Donbas in Ukraine

Cited by 71 publications

References 49 publications

Forced Displacement from Ukraine’s War-Torn Territories: Intersectionality and Power Geometry

Forced Displacement from Ukraine’s War-Torn Territories: Intersectionality and Power Geometry

Victims, Villains, or Geopolitical Tools? Representations of Donbas Displacement in Ukrainian and Russian Government Media

The Displaced as ‘Ordinary Citizens’: Exploring Variation in the Political Attitudes of the Displaced from Donbas

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