[voice] And/versus [spread glottis] in the modified Leiden model

Huber, Daniel; Bérces, Katalin Balogné

doi:10.1556/aling.57.2010.4.6

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…In particular, it is only voice systems in which obstruents exhibit regressive voice assimilation (RVA): a voiced obstruent such as [b] is (fully) devoiced when it is followed by a voiceless obstruent such as [t] (and the other way round), deriving [-pt-] in words like obtenir in French. In contrast, in most accents of English obtain retains [-b̥ tʰ-], and in general, claims have been made that in aspiration systems no systematic, phonological laryngeal spreading is attested (see Balogné Bérces and Huszthy 2018;Huber and Balogné Bérces 2010).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in the laryngeal subsystems of English

Bérces¹

2022

LingBaW

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A parallel is drawn between the northernmost regions of England represented by Durham and Yorkshire and the transition zone Ouddeken (2016) identifies between voicing and aspiration languages in the Dutch-German dialect continuum. It is argued that, owing to historical changes and dialect contact, the Northern Englishes discussed exhibit hybrid laryngeal systems as a result of being geographically intermediate between Scots in Scotland, which is a voice language similar to Dutch, and mainstream varieties of English spoken more to the south in England (and in most of the rest of the English-speaking world), which are aspiration systems of the German type. We model the emergence of laryngeal systems as the setting of three parameters: (i) whether the laryngeally marked/specified obstruent series contains [voice] (L-system) or [asp] (H-system); (ii) whether the laryngeal prime is able to spread (right-to-left); and (iii) whether the system has pre-obstruent delaryngealisation (POD) (due to which in C1C2, C1 becomes unmarked/underspecified). While spreading L with POD derives voice languages and non-spreading H with no POD derives aspiration languages, two mixed combinations derive the intermediate categories of Durham and Yorkshire (spreading L & no POD and spreading H & no POD, respectively). We also show that all remaining combinations are attested cross-linguistically or else theoretically uninterpretable.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in the laryngeal subsystems of English

Bérces¹

2022

LingBaW

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“…67 67 The cross-linguistic analysis of laryngeal assimilation as a coarticulatory phenomenon would require an idiosyncratic choice in the phonetics as to whether or not the process should apply: actually, this would be the difference between the realization of foo/t 0 b L /all in Hungarian ([db]) vs. Italian ([tb]). The absence of coarticulation in Italian, can also fall out of an analysis assuming |h| (see Huber &Balogné Bérces 2010 andHuszthy 2020).…”

Section: The Alternative Laryngeal Typologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These phonetic qualities characterize fricatives and affricates as well as released plosives. For analyses employing |h|, see, e.g., Harris (1994), Huber & Balogné Bérces (2010) and Balogné Bérces & Huszthy (2018). For further distinction, Harris (1994: 123-126) suggests that headed |h| mark greater stridency or noisiness, meaning that, for example, the strident /s/ should contain headed |h|, while the head of the phonological expression representing the nonstrident /θ/ should be the place element.…”

Section: Representationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For further distinction, Harris (1994: 123-126) suggests that headed |h| mark greater stridency or noisiness, meaning that, for example, the strident /s/ should contain headed |h|, while the head of the phonological expression representing the nonstrident /θ/ should be the place element. In Huber & Balogné Bérces (2010), headed |h| encodes aspiration in languages like English and nonheaded |h| is associated with oral release.…”

Section: Representationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The representation of voicing. A unified analysis of languages with two obstruent series as “aspirating” systems

Őri

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Kaye (1992a: 295-296) distinguishes a weaker and a stronger version of the Uniformity Principle: "sequences of contiguous positions that are in a governing relation and contain the same phonological material have the same constituent structure" within a given language vs. in all languages. 10 Ironically, the term "atomic" is still used as a synonym for indivisible, in spite of the fact that we have known for a while that atoms are actually reducible to subatomic particles. In this sense, phonological segments are, in fact, atomic.

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Italian preconsonantal s-voicing is not regressive voice assimilation

Huszthy

2021

The Linguistic Review

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In the literature of laryngeal phonology Romance languages are considered voice languages, exhibiting a binary distinction between a voiced lenis and a voiceless fortis set of obstruents. Voice languages are characterised by regressive voice assimilation (RVA) due to the phonological activity of [voice]. Italian manifests a process similar to RVA, called preconsonantal s-voicing; that is, /s/ becomes voiced before voiced consonants. Since /sC/ is the only obstruent cluster in Italian phonotactics, Italian seems to fulfil the requirements for being a prototypical voice language. However, this paper argues that s-voicing is not an instance of RVA, at least from a synchronic phonological point of view. RVA and Italian preconsonantal s-voicing essentially differ at every level of a synchronic comparison: in the input, in the trigger, in the domain of application and in the frequency of the processes. In Italian only sibilant fricatives may undergo voicing before consonants; however, other obstruents (which mostly appear in loanwords) do not assimilate for [voice]. Italian preconsonantal s-voicing does not take place at the word boundary or at morpheme boundaries, and it seems to be optional is new loanwords; thus, it is not a postlexical process like RVA. The synchronic differences between the two phenomena are analysed in Classical Optimality Theory. The laryngeal system of Italian prefers faithfulness over markedness, which means that non-/sC/ obstruent clusters surface with underlying voice values; while the voicing of /s/ before voiced consonants is seen as phonetic and not phonological.

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[voice] And/versus [spread glottis] in the modified Leiden model

Cited by 6 publications

References 6 publications

Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in the laryngeal subsystems of English

Accent boundaries and linguistic continua in the laryngeal subsystems of English

The representation of voicing. A unified analysis of languages with two obstruent series as “aspirating” systems

Italian preconsonantal s-voicing is not regressive voice assimilation

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