Vital Statistics on the Presidency

Ragsdale, Lyn

doi:10.4135/9781483300641

Cited by 43 publications

(33 citation statements)

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“…These policy speeches, found in the yearly volumes of the Public Papers of the Presidents, are substantive statements on public policy (whether foreign or domestic) that follow several basic coding decisions. They track closely Ragsdale's (1998) description of minor speeches, but have been coded independently by the author and by month. First, the speech had to express a substantive policy view or legislative or administrative accomplishment.…”

Section: Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

“…I do this to offer a clear and replicable coding rule and to differentiate policy speeches from symbolic or ceremonial speeches, such as bill signings. These speeches may contain policy information but clearly are more symbolic than substantive (Ragsdale 1998). Although policy speeches may be delivered to specific interest groups, campaigns speeches-whether to support individual candidates, the president's political party, or own reelection campaign-are not included.…”

Section: Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

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The Politics of Presidential Speeches

Eshbaugh-Soha

2010

Congress & the Presidency

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Speeches are vital to modern presidential governance. We know that speeches inform others of presidents' policy preferences and allow them to meet public expectations; yet we do not know precisely what influences presidents' tendencies to deliver them. This article argues that presidents consider the potential benefit or cost of delivering speeches. Deteriorating conditions in the political environment should cause a change in presidential behavior, while improvements may encourage presidents to continue their current course of action. Using time series analysis, I find that this is indeed the case. Typically, low presidential approval ratings and a poor economy encourage presidents to deliver more and fewer policy-based speeches, respectively. Even though the "golden age" of presidential politics also matters to presidential speechmaking, individual presidents do not significantly explain speechmaking over time.

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Section: Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Presidential Speeches

Eshbaugh-Soha

2010

Congress & the Presidency

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“…Presidents occasionally appoint judges or executive agency personnel from outside their party, but the phenomenon is relatively rare (less than 5%, according to Ragsdale 2008). Occasionally, the states in a judicial circuit will be so dominated by senators of the party opposed to the president that an agreement will be reached wherein the president is expected to nominate a specific proportion of judges from the opposing side (Goldman 1997).…”

Section: Property Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

InstitutionalConflict andPerceivedPropertyRights inAppointmentPolitics

Nixon

2014

Congress & the Presidency

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Despite the importance of political appointees in U.S. politics, most of what we know about bureaucratic appointment centers on institutional conflict between the separate legislative and executive branches, and ignores personal qualities of nominees that so often seem pivotal to the selection debate. Using data drawn from every appointment to four U.S. independent regulatory agencies, I present empirical evidence that perceived property rights relating to party, race, and gender of appointees powerfully structure appointment process and outcomes. A new model of race and gender of appointees demonstrates that race and gender of an appointee's predecessor is a significant predictor of who gets selected. A separate model of appointment duration demonstrates that partisan factors significantly contribute to delay, but that race and gender considerations do not significantly extend vacancies.

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“…7 7 To establish face validity for this assumption, we examined the effect of annual uses of force on CQ presidential success scores (Ragsdale 1998). The results, which are summarized in an online appendix, indicate that uses of force increase the extent to which legislation accords with presidential preferences. …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Diverting the Legislature: Executive-Legislative Relations, the Economy, and US Uses of Force1

Brulé¹,

Hwang²

2010

International Studies Quarterly

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Given distinct partisan macroeconomic preferences, the partisanship of the president or majority in Congress should influence presidential decisions to use force in the face of poor economic conditions—the diversionary use of force. But previous research posits contradictory accounts of the influence of partisanship. We seek to resolve this debate by developing a game theory model, which predicts that leaders divert when government is divided and economic conditions hurt the opposition party’s constituency. Leaders seek to divert the legislature from the economy in order to prevent the legislature from passing a remedial economic bill. Analyzing US conflict behavior since World War II, we examine the conditional influence of presidential partisanship and the president’s cohesive partisan support in Congress on the effects of inflation and unemployment. Consistent with the model’s predictions, we find that as their cohesive partisan support in Congress declines, Democratic presidents tend to use force in response to inflation and Republican presidents tend to use force in response to unemployment.

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Vital Statistics on the Presidency

Cited by 43 publications

References 0 publications

The Politics of Presidential Speeches

The Politics of Presidential Speeches

InstitutionalConflict andPerceivedPropertyRights inAppointmentPolitics

Diverting the Legislature: Executive-Legislative Relations, the Economy, and US Uses of Force1

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