Abstract:In three experiments with sixty 3- and 6-month-olds, we examined whether operant and visual-preference measures of retention are equivalent. Infants learned to move a mobile by kicking and then received a paired-comparison test with the familiar (training) mobile and a novel one. Kicking above baseline was the direct measure of retention, and longer looking at the novel mobile was the visual-preference or inferred measure. Retention was tested 1 day after training (Experiment 1) or reactivation (Experiment 2) … Show more
“…In those experiments, infants recognized similarities and differences in details such as the color of elements of the objects when items were encountered in the same experimental session (Needham et al, 2005), but they noticed only general similarities when items were encountered over a 24 hour delay (Dueker et al, 2003). Such findings are consistent with work revealing that infants' visual short-term memory capacity is limited (Ross-Sheehy et al, 2003) and their long-term memories are less detailed (Wilk et al, 2001). We cannot say for certain that the memory system responsible for these effects in short-or long-term memory, but the current manipulation of reducing the amount of time infants are required to remember an item from a few seconds to essentially zero is most compatible with theories of working or short-term memory (see Oakes & Bauer, 2007).…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 77%
“…Detecting similarities and differences between items encountered at different times requires that the memory for one item is compared with a second item currently in view. Because young infants' shorter-term memory abilities are limited (Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2001; Ross-Sheehy, Oakes, & Luck, 2003) and their longer-term memories are less detailed than are the longer-term memories of older infants (Wilk, Klein, & Rovee-Collier, 2001), young infants may not make effective comparisons between a remembered item and another item. Indeed, Needham and her colleagues observed that infants detected different commonalities among items as a function of the amount of time between encounters with those items.…”
We investigated how exposure to pairs of different items (as compared to pairs of identical items) influences 10-month-old infants' (N = 79) categorization of horses versus dogs in an object-examining task. Infants responded to an exclusive category when familiarized with pairs of different items, but not when familiarized with pairs of identical items (Experiment 1), even when the frequency of exposure to each item was controlled (Experiment 2). When familiarized with pairs of identical items, infants failed to show evidence of memory for the individual exemplars (Experiment 3). Reducing the retention interval between presentations of different items in the identical pairs condition facilitated infants' recognition of an exclusive categorical distinction (Experiment 4). These results are discussed in terms of how exposure to collections of different items, and how opportunities to compare items, influences infants' categorization.Every day people categorize as an efficient and effective way of organizing newly acquired information. Because infants are constantly exposed to new information, the ability to form categories may be especially important for them. Indeed, a large number of studies over the last 25 years has shown impressive categorization abilities in infancy
“…In those experiments, infants recognized similarities and differences in details such as the color of elements of the objects when items were encountered in the same experimental session (Needham et al, 2005), but they noticed only general similarities when items were encountered over a 24 hour delay (Dueker et al, 2003). Such findings are consistent with work revealing that infants' visual short-term memory capacity is limited (Ross-Sheehy et al, 2003) and their long-term memories are less detailed (Wilk et al, 2001). We cannot say for certain that the memory system responsible for these effects in short-or long-term memory, but the current manipulation of reducing the amount of time infants are required to remember an item from a few seconds to essentially zero is most compatible with theories of working or short-term memory (see Oakes & Bauer, 2007).…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 77%
“…Detecting similarities and differences between items encountered at different times requires that the memory for one item is compared with a second item currently in view. Because young infants' shorter-term memory abilities are limited (Rose, Feldman, & Jankowski, 2001; Ross-Sheehy, Oakes, & Luck, 2003) and their longer-term memories are less detailed than are the longer-term memories of older infants (Wilk, Klein, & Rovee-Collier, 2001), young infants may not make effective comparisons between a remembered item and another item. Indeed, Needham and her colleagues observed that infants detected different commonalities among items as a function of the amount of time between encounters with those items.…”
We investigated how exposure to pairs of different items (as compared to pairs of identical items) influences 10-month-old infants' (N = 79) categorization of horses versus dogs in an object-examining task. Infants responded to an exclusive category when familiarized with pairs of different items, but not when familiarized with pairs of identical items (Experiment 1), even when the frequency of exposure to each item was controlled (Experiment 2). When familiarized with pairs of identical items, infants failed to show evidence of memory for the individual exemplars (Experiment 3). Reducing the retention interval between presentations of different items in the identical pairs condition facilitated infants' recognition of an exclusive categorical distinction (Experiment 4). These results are discussed in terms of how exposure to collections of different items, and how opportunities to compare items, influences infants' categorization.Every day people categorize as an efficient and effective way of organizing newly acquired information. Because infants are constantly exposed to new information, the ability to form categories may be especially important for them. Indeed, a large number of studies over the last 25 years has shown impressive categorization abilities in infancy
“…It is important to remember, however, that despite the manipulations of spatial and temporal relations in these studies, visual and proprioceptive inputs were nevertheless conjugately related in both experiments. Indeed, there is a great deal of research by Rovee-Collier and her colleagues (e.g., Bhatt, Wilk, Hill, & RoveeCollier, 2004;Hartshorn & Rovee-Collier, 2003;Hildreth, Sweeney, & Rovee-Collier, 2003;Rovee-Collier & Barr, 2001;Rovee-Collier & Gekoski, 1979;Rovee & Rovee, 1969;Wilk, Klein, & Rovee-Collier, 2001, for classic and more recent reviews) suggesting that even very young infants are sensitive to conjugate relations in learning and memory contexts.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although it is difficult to fully answer this question, the obvious methodological and procedural differences between these two lines of work, such as the use of preferential looking versus an operant conditioning technique, the length of the training phases/trials, differences in the availability of simultaneous visual and proprioceptive information, and so on, clearly plays some role here. And, in fact, Wilk et al (2001) demonstrated that such methodological differences are critical. In a comparison of visual preference and operant-conditioning techniques, infants showed evidence of more sophisticated abilities using operantconditioning methods than they did in a preferential looking paradigm.…”
Two experiments explored 5-month-old infants' recognition of selfmovement in the context of imperfect contingencies between felt and seen movement. Previous work has shown that infants can discriminate a display of another child's movements from an on-line video display of their own movements, even when featural information is removed. These earlier findings were extended by demonstrating self versus other discrimination when the visual information for movement was an unrelated object (a fluorescent mobile) directly attached to the child's leg, thus producing imperfect spatial and temporal contingency information. In contrast, intermodal recognition failed when the mobile was indirectly attached to infants' legs, thus eliminating spatial contingencies altogether and further weakening temporal contingencies. Together, these studies reveal that even imperfect contingency information can drive intermodal perception, given appropriate levels of spatial and temporal contingency information. ß 2007 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Dev Psychobiol 49: 387-398, 2007.
“…"What was the point of encoding and storing information about an event that will not be attended to again until it is forgotten?" At the same time, she questioned the value of novelty detection as a measure of long-term memory, arguing that distraction by novel stimuli tells us nothing about what infants may or may not remember about familiar ones, particularly over the long term (Rovee-Collier, 2001;Rovee-Collier & Hayne, 1987;Wilk et al, 2001). In her view, the VRM paradigm provided a measure of novelty detection, distraction, vigilance, information processing, or short-term memory, which underpinned the concurrent and long-term relation between VRM performance and more standard measures of IQ (e.g., Fagan, 1984;Rose & Feldman, 1995;Rose & Wallace, 1985).…”
Section: In Contrast To the Recognition Memory Exhibited By The 2-andmentioning
The visual recognition memory (VRM) paradigm has been widely used to measure memory during infancy and early childhood; it has also been used to study memory in human and nonhuman adults. Typically, participants are familiarized with stimuli that have no special significance to them. Under these conditions, greater attention to the novel stimulus during the test (i.e., novelty preference) is used as the primary index of memory. Here, we took a novel approach to the VRM paradigm and tested 1-, 2-, and 3-year olds using photos of meaningful stimuli that were drawn from the participants' own environment (e.g., photos of their mother, father, siblings, house). We also compared their performance to that of participants of the same age who were tested in an explicit pointing version of the VRM task. Two- and 3-year olds exhibited a strong familiarity preference for some, but not all, of the meaningful stimuli; 1-year olds did not. At no age did participants exhibit the kind of novelty preference that is commonly used to define memory in the VRM task. Furthermore, when compared to pointing, looking measures provided a rough approximation of recognition memory, but in some instances, the looking measure underestimated retention. The use of meaningful stimuli raise important questions about the way in which visual attention is interpreted in the VRM paradigm, and may provide new opportunities to measure memory during infancy and early childhood.
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