Abstract:This essay is about the role of visual surveillance technologies in the policing of the external borders of the European Union (EU). Based on an analysis of documents published by EU institutions and independent organizations, I argue that these technological innovations fundamentally alter the nature of national borders. I discuss how new technologies of vision are deployed to transcend the physical limits of territories. In the last twenty years, EU member states and institutions have increasingly relied on … Show more
“…Vis-à-vis these developments, scholars have over the past years started to explore the ways in which technologies of border control are being designed and developed (Bourne, Johnson, and Lisle 2015;Lisle 2018;Noori 2018) and how they become implemented into already existing infrastructures and policies (Glouftsios 2018;Jeandesboz 2016;Leese 2018). A particular focus has been put on large-scale information systems and interoperability (Broeders 2007;Broeders and Hampshire 2013;Leese 2020, this issue), reinforcing the diagnosis that borders are multiplying and extending their functionalities towards the inside and the outside of the territory (Bigo 2008;Follis 2017;Walters 2002). The European databases for border control and migration management are an apt example of these tendencies.…”
Data matter more than ever in the regulation of borders and migration. An apt illustration of how movement is enabled or restricted by data collection and analytics was recently reported by Eyal Weizman, founding director of the London-based research agency Forensic Architecture that specialises in the production and analysis of evidence about human rights violations by state and corporate actors. Prior to a business trip to Miami where he was supposed to open Forensic Architecture's first major exhibition in the US that, among other things, displayed investigations into a CIA drone strike in Pakistan and police killings of black US citizens, Weizmann was notified that his visa waiver request had been denied and that he would not be allowed to enter the United States.Upon further inquiry at the US embassy in London, he was informed that he had been flagged as a 'security threat' by an algorithm looking for suspicious patterns in applicants' data. While officials at the embassy could not tell Weizman what exactly had triggered the unfavourable judgement by the algorithm, they suggested that "it could be something [he] was involved in, people [he] was in contact with, places to which [he] had travelled (had [he] recently been in Syria, Iran, Iraq, Yemen, or Somalia or met their nationals?), hotels at which [he] stayed, or a certain pattern of relations among these things" (Weizman 2020, n.p.). Weizman was subsequently encouraged to provide the US Department of Homeland Security with details on individuals or connections that could point in the direction of terrorism or organised crime in order to purify himself and eventually be able to travel again. Since the digital records that had prompted the algorithm to flag Weizman as a security risk concerned personal and professional networks and connections that informed investigative work into human rights violations -including those committed by US institutions and their allies -Weizman declined to provide this information.Weizman's case forcefully illustrates how the "datafication of mobility and migration management" (Broeders and Dijstelbloem 2016) reconfigures what
“…Vis-à-vis these developments, scholars have over the past years started to explore the ways in which technologies of border control are being designed and developed (Bourne, Johnson, and Lisle 2015;Lisle 2018;Noori 2018) and how they become implemented into already existing infrastructures and policies (Glouftsios 2018;Jeandesboz 2016;Leese 2018). A particular focus has been put on large-scale information systems and interoperability (Broeders 2007;Broeders and Hampshire 2013;Leese 2020, this issue), reinforcing the diagnosis that borders are multiplying and extending their functionalities towards the inside and the outside of the territory (Bigo 2008;Follis 2017;Walters 2002). The European databases for border control and migration management are an apt example of these tendencies.…”
Data matter more than ever in the regulation of borders and migration. An apt illustration of how movement is enabled or restricted by data collection and analytics was recently reported by Eyal Weizman, founding director of the London-based research agency Forensic Architecture that specialises in the production and analysis of evidence about human rights violations by state and corporate actors. Prior to a business trip to Miami where he was supposed to open Forensic Architecture's first major exhibition in the US that, among other things, displayed investigations into a CIA drone strike in Pakistan and police killings of black US citizens, Weizmann was notified that his visa waiver request had been denied and that he would not be allowed to enter the United States.Upon further inquiry at the US embassy in London, he was informed that he had been flagged as a 'security threat' by an algorithm looking for suspicious patterns in applicants' data. While officials at the embassy could not tell Weizman what exactly had triggered the unfavourable judgement by the algorithm, they suggested that "it could be something [he] was involved in, people [he] was in contact with, places to which [he] had travelled (had [he] recently been in Syria, Iran, Iraq, Yemen, or Somalia or met their nationals?), hotels at which [he] stayed, or a certain pattern of relations among these things" (Weizman 2020, n.p.). Weizman was subsequently encouraged to provide the US Department of Homeland Security with details on individuals or connections that could point in the direction of terrorism or organised crime in order to purify himself and eventually be able to travel again. Since the digital records that had prompted the algorithm to flag Weizman as a security risk concerned personal and professional networks and connections that informed investigative work into human rights violations -including those committed by US institutions and their allies -Weizman declined to provide this information.Weizman's case forcefully illustrates how the "datafication of mobility and migration management" (Broeders and Dijstelbloem 2016) reconfigures what
“…In recent years, a common concern named ‘migration crisis’ became such a worldly event: a far-flung array of movements, anticipations, struggles and interventions concerning the future lives of millions that provoked and accelerated entanglements of data practices into new configurations (Feldman, 2011; Follis, 2017; Heller and Pezzani, 2016). The subsequent analysis of ways in which Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ involved and elaborated data practices is intended to show how, at each step of the way, visualising migration is immediately implicated in the unfolding of events that erratically made up ‘crisis’.…”
Section: Testing Europe: Between Data and Demonstrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Critical dissections of migration politics and the professed ‘control’ of borders by worldly authorities have highlighted the particular, often disfiguring ways in which migration is rendered visible to us (Amoore, 2013; De Genova, 2013; Feldman, 2011; Follis, 2017; M’Charek et al., 2014; Tazzioli, 2014; Tazzioli and Walters, 2016; Vigneswaran, 2013; Walters, 2009). Such analyses bring out the sovereign, governmental and representational aspects of migration’s visuality, establishing the profound entanglement between visibility of and power over migration and its subjects.…”
Migration is not readily seen. A vast infrastructure supports its visualization, making migration visible and actionable. Recent scholarship on the visuality of migration has clearly shown how visualizing migration is an integral part of governing it. Concepts and research approaches from Science and Technology Studies (STS) are particularly appropriate when studying these connections between knowing and doing. In this paper, the performativity of visual methods and their data practices are analysed with respect to the monitoring infrastructure of European border management. Three such methods-patrolling, recording and publicizing-are reconstructed through analysis of their histories and their present. Patrolling involves the tactical domination of terrains. Recording involves the production of documentary objectivity. Publicizing involves the pictorial capture of fleeting realities. These methods are irreducibly political. Their political significance is explored through the concept of demonstrative effects that helps to show how methods of visualising migration at once involve specific demonstrations of the European association that is operative in them. These demonstrations make visible what Europe can and cannot do. The so-called 'migration crisis' of Europe turns out to be more than political discourse but entangled with the very methods that render migration apparent and governable.
“…The digitization of border and migration management has moreover been examined as the formation of an “administrative ecology” (Dijstelbloem and Broeders 2015) that calls for exploring the hidden scripts of a violent border regime. Migrations are brought into being and rendered governable through practices of inscription and visualization (Dijstelbloem, van Reekum, and Schinkel 2017; van Reekum 2019; Pezzani and Heller 2019; Follis 2017). At the same time, infrastructures also “reveal and […] perform broader legislative, political and administrative transformations in the European bureaucratic order” (Pelizza 2020, 263).…”
Section: Introduction: Infrastructuring Eu Bordersmentioning
A central and formative ingredient in the governance of migration in the European Union (EU) is the continuous construction of a large-scale digital infrastructure to ensure border security. Although border and critical security studies have increasingly focused on the multiple aspects of techno-materiality and infrastructural devices of border control, less has been said about how such an infrastructure encodes and transmits collective future visions of border (in)security. Therefore, this paper analyzes the making of a sociotechnical imaginary of digital transformation of the EU border regime, specifically focusing on the role of eu-LISA, the European agency for the development and management of large-scale IT systems. Drawing on ethnographic observations and interview material, we analyze the ways in which this agency emerges as a site for assembling and rehearsing this sociotechnical imaginary, gradually transforming borders into sites of experimentation in the EU Schengen laboratory. As our case illustrates, studying the visionary dimensions of digital infrastructuring helps us to understand how imagination becomes collectivized and materialized, opens up or closes down sociotechnical realizations, and thus tacitly governs the project of digitally infrastructuring the EU border regime.
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