Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Neo-liberal evolution and union responses in Australia 1 David Peetz and Janis Bailey Introduction It's the first national general strike in Australia. Around the country, on 12 July 1976, union members are pounding the streets, carrying placards proclaiming 'Hands off Medibank!', loudly protesting the new conservative government's plans to dismantle the national health insurance scheme established just two years earlier. The demonstrations have limited attendance, because there is no public transport to take people to them. But this is not the biggest problem with the strike. In fact, between a quarter and a half of union members have gone to work anyway, despite the transport problems (Donn 1979). Lasting, as planned, for only one day (quite typical for Australian strikes), it places no ongoing pressure on the government to give in to the union demands. Indeed the government refuses to negotiate with the unions and makes no changes to its plans for health insurance. The first national general strike is a fizzer. So it is also the last. Thirty years later, and union members are on the streets again, in bigger numbers than in 1976over a hundred thousand of them. This is no national strike. People have come here on the way to work or taken time off to attend. It would be illegal to strike over this issue. The leading banners of these very orderly demonstrations read 'your rights at work: worth fighting for'. Over twenty years after neo-liberalism took hold in Australia, this is a fight about laws that threaten the very survival of the union movement. The demonstration itself is hardly decisive-more about keeping up morale amongst union activists than directly persuading the government to change its laws. The real action is happening on the telephone, in workplaces and community halls, and on television screens around the country. The demonstration is part of a two-year campaign that spectacularly achieves what it sets out to do: defeat the conservative government that threatened to cripple unionism. These two events illustrate several aspects of Australian unionism. They point to unions' need for favourable state policies; to union efforts, sometimes successful, sometimes not, to achieve them; and to the unions' reliance on having Labor, rather than conservative, governments in office. They show how union tactics have been shaped by the legislative framework, indeed habituated by the arbitration system in place for most of the last century (hence strikes were short and used to alert employers and tribunals to union intent) and have had to change since the end of arbitration. The alterations in the legislative framework themselves point to the changes wrought by neo-liberalism. And the events indicate how even the large scale manifestations of union anger that have challenged key state policies have not fundamentally challenged the economic system or the philosophies guiding it. At the core of economic policy in Australia since the 1980s has been ...