Violence against Women in Scandinavia: a Description and Evaluation of two new Laws Aiming to Protect Women

Lindstrom, Peter A.

doi:10.1080/14043850410010720

Cited by 8 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…In line with other work (21, 22), we defined violent crime a conviction for homicide, assault, robbery, threats and violence against an officer, gross violation of a person’s integrity, recurrent intimate partner violence directed at a woman (23), unlawful threats, unlawful coercion, kidnapping, illegal confinement, arson, intimidation, or sexual offences (rape, indecent assault, indecent exposure or child molestation, but excluding prostitution, hiring of prostitutes or possession of child pornography). We used an omnibus measure of substance misuse that included alcohol and drug-related convictions (crimes against the Narcotic Drugs Act (SFS 1968:64) and driving under the influence of alcohol and/or illicit substances) as well as hospital admissions for either alcohol or drug-related disorders.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Genetic and environmental determinants of violence risk in psychotic disorders: a multivariate quantitative genetic study of 1.8 million Swedish twins and siblings

2015

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Patients diagnosed with psychotic disorders (e.g., schizophrenia and bipolar disorder) have elevated risks of committing violent acts, particularly if they are comorbid with substance misuse. Despite recent insights from quantitative and molecular genetic studies demonstrating considerable pleiotropy in the genetic architecture of these phenotypes, there is currently a lack of large-scale studies that have specifically examined the etiological links between psychotic disorders and violence. Using a sample of all Swedish individuals born between 1958-1989 (n=3,232,010), we identified a total of 923,259 twin-sibling pairs. Patients were identified using the National Patient Register using validated algorithms based on ICD 8-10. Univariate quantitative genetic models revealed that all phenotypes (schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, substance misuse and violent crime) were highly heritable (h2=53-71%). Multivariate models further revealed that schizophrenia was a stronger predictor of violence (r=0.32; 95% CI: 0.30-0.33) than bipolar disorder (r=0.23; 0.21-0.25) and large proportions (51%-67%) of these phenotypic correlations were explained by genetic factors shared between each disorder, substance misuse and violence. Importantly, we found that genetic influences that were unrelated to substance misuse explained approximately a fifth (21%; 20%-22%) of the correlation with violent criminality in bipolar disorder but none of the same correlation in schizophrenia (pbipolar disorder<0.001; pschizophrenia=0.55). These findings highlight the perils of not disentangling common and unique sources of covariance across genetically similar phenotypes as the latter sources may include etiologically important clues. Clinically, these findings underline the importance of assessing risk of different phenotypes together and integrating interventions for psychiatric disorders, substance misuse and violence.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Genetic and environmental determinants of violence risk in psychotic disorders: a multivariate quantitative genetic study of 1.8 million Swedish twins and siblings

2015

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“…In Sweden, which to a large extent consists of rural areas, where approximately 34% (3.3 million) of the Swedish population live in rural or remote areas, recidivism rates have been found to vary between 13% and 42% (Belfrage & Strand, 2012;Petersson & Strand, 2017;Svalin et al, 2018), however, not specified on rurality. Nevertheless, these high figures are problematic, considering that repeated and systematic IPV can escalate into severe and life-threatening violence regardless of geographical location (Lindström, 2004).…”

Section: The Law Of Gross Violation Of a Woman's Integritymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Additionally, one of three alleged IPV perpetrators charged for the offense of Gross Violation of a Woman's Integrity is instead convicted of other IPV related crimes (NCCP, 2019). Of those perpetrators sentenced for the offense of Gross Violation of a Woman's Integrity during the first years following the enacted law (i.e., 2000-2003), 85% were sentenced to imprisonment with an average prison sentence of 11 months, while the other 15% received probation in combination with treatment (Lindström, 2004).…”

Section: The Law Of Gross Violation Of a Woman's Integritymentioning

confidence: 99%

Repeated and Systematic Intimate Partner Violence in Rural Areas in Sweden

et al. 2021

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Violence against women lacks geographical boundaries, although research demonstrates higher rates of such violence in rural areas compared to urban areas. The repeated and systematic intimate partner violence (IPV) is especially problematic in isolated areas. This study aims to investigate how repeated and systematic IPV, was handled by the criminal justice system in rural areas in Sweden and how risk and victim vulnerability factors were related to recidivism in this longitudinal prospective study. The sample consisted of alleged perpetrators of repeated and systematic IPV who had been either reported, charged, or convicted of repeated and systematic IPV defined according to the Swedish Law Gross Violation of a Woman’s Integrity targeting such violence, in two rural Swedish police districts during 2011–2014 (N = 258). Results demonstrated that 30% of IPV perpetrators were charged with the Gross violation offense and 5% were charged for other IPV-related offenses. The conviction for the Gross violation offense was 11% and 24% for other IPV-related offenses. 56% were not charged or convicted of any IPV-related offenses. Perpetrators convicted of the Gross Violation offense were more likely to receive longer prison sentences than perpetrators convicted of other IPV-related offenses. Victim cooperation in the police investigation increased the likelihood for prosecution with 7.3 times and for a conviction with 6.1 times. In terms of recidivism 24% engaged in IPV towards the same victim and another 27% recidivated into general criminality. Recidivists had higher summary risk ratings and more individual risk factors than non-recidivists, such as general criminality, employment problems and mental health problems, and victim vulnerability factors including personal problems. To reduce re-victimization, risk and vulnerability factors and supporting victims to cooperate in the police investigation should be considered when forming risk management strategies to protect victims of repeated and systematic IPV in such rural areas.

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“…On the other hand, criminal law is emphasised as an important tool in the work against men's violence against women (Niemi-Kiesiläinen 2006;Burman 2010). Examples of reforms that have raised awareness of men's violence against women and significantly increased the reported cases and convictions by the Swedish criminal system are the Women's Peace reform in 1998 (Lindström 2005;Nilsson 2004;Burman 2010) and possibly the consent-based rape offence reform from 2018 (Brottsförebyggande rådet 2020; Bladini and Svedberg Andersson 2020). Having the important arguments for being careful in the use of criminalisation in mind, it is urgent to discuss and evaluate the use of criminal law as one tool, among others, to defeat sexist and sexual abuse online.…”

Section: General Issues On Criminal Legal Protection Against Online Sexist Abusementioning

confidence: 99%

Silenced Voices

Bladini¹

2021

Nord J Law Soc

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In this article I examine from a legal point of view some of the consequences for women, and hence for society in general, of online sexist and misogynist abuse in a Swedish context. I argue that one effect is that women’s living space online is demarcated and ultimately, that it threatens women’s possibilities to participate in public debate online. An everyday life perspective and the continuum of sexual violence, both part of a feminist legal perspective, are used as a theoretical framework to show how online abuse is silencing women. The situation demands action from the state, in order to safeguard freedom of expression and, consequently, democracy. I argue that in this particular situation, two basic aspects of freedom of expression collide: the one most emphasised, the prohibition of censorship, and the less acknowledged aspect, i.e. a diversity of voices. Deficient ways to handle sexist and misogynist online abuse leads to indirect censorship where women’s voices are silenced. Hence, the state must take action not to fail to guarantee justice for all. There are many initiatives addressing problems of online abuse, both internationally and nationally. In this article I seek to capture and examine the Swedish policy and legal regulation (criminal law and freedom of expression) in this area to sketch the legal situation, to highlight ongoing initiatives and pointing out lacunas and obstacles that needs to be dealt with to guarantee a diversity of voices.

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Violence against Women in Scandinavia: a Description and Evaluation of two new Laws Aiming to Protect Women

Cited by 8 publications

References 2 publications

Genetic and environmental determinants of violence risk in psychotic disorders: a multivariate quantitative genetic study of 1.8 million Swedish twins and siblings

Genetic and environmental determinants of violence risk in psychotic disorders: a multivariate quantitative genetic study of 1.8 million Swedish twins and siblings

Repeated and Systematic Intimate Partner Violence in Rural Areas in Sweden

Silenced Voices

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