Abstract:Informal, coercive residential centers for the treatment of addiction are widespread and growing throughout Latin America. In Mexico these centers are called “anexos” and they are run and utilized by low-income individuals and families with problems related to drugs and alcohol. This article draws on findings from a 3-year anthropological study of anexos in Mexico City. Participant observation and in-depth interviews were used to describe and analyze anexos, their therapeutic practices, and residents’ own acco… Show more
“…On the other hand, due to growing political, ethical, and bodily resistances to psychoactive medications, non-pharmaceutical modes of treatment are also on the rise-among groups aligned in the "service user" and "survivor" movements such as the Hearing Voices Network, the Icarus Project, and Mind Freedom International (Bracken et al 2012:432;Swerdfager 2016;Jain 2016), as well as therapists working in politicized and otherwise "alternative" clinics (Hyde 2017;Giordano 2014; Matza forthcoming; Pandolfo forthcoming), and lay people developing new therapeutic expertise and settings (Garcia 2015;Garcia and Anderson 2016;Nakamura 2013;Raikhel 2016;Zhang 2014). Among these experiments in care, psychodynamic theories of mental life and novel psychotherapeutic techniques have come to play key roles, in some cases looping back into formal healthcare settings, as with certain forms of mindfulness practice (Kirmayer 2015; Lewis 2013Lewis , 2016.…”
“…On the other hand, due to growing political, ethical, and bodily resistances to psychoactive medications, non-pharmaceutical modes of treatment are also on the rise-among groups aligned in the "service user" and "survivor" movements such as the Hearing Voices Network, the Icarus Project, and Mind Freedom International (Bracken et al 2012:432;Swerdfager 2016;Jain 2016), as well as therapists working in politicized and otherwise "alternative" clinics (Hyde 2017;Giordano 2014; Matza forthcoming; Pandolfo forthcoming), and lay people developing new therapeutic expertise and settings (Garcia 2015;Garcia and Anderson 2016;Nakamura 2013;Raikhel 2016;Zhang 2014). Among these experiments in care, psychodynamic theories of mental life and novel psychotherapeutic techniques have come to play key roles, in some cases looping back into formal healthcare settings, as with certain forms of mindfulness practice (Kirmayer 2015; Lewis 2013Lewis , 2016.…”
“…Furthermore, the majority of people who use drugs (PWUD; including PWID) that receive drug treatment and recovery services in Tijuana, do so at centers, referred to as anexos , that are privately owned and operate outside of government oversight [ 26 , 31 ]. Less than half of drug treatment centers in Mexico are certified by the Comisión Nacional contra las Adicciones (CONADIC; Mexican National Commission against Addiction), and therefore may be offering services lacking the minimal criteria for quality care [ 23 ].…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Less than half of drug treatment centers in Mexico are certified by the Comisión Nacional contra las Adicciones (CONADIC; Mexican National Commission against Addiction), and therefore may be offering services lacking the minimal criteria for quality care [ 23 ]. The lack of governmental oversight for drug treatment and recovery service centers in this region has been associated with overcrowded conditions, the absence of medical services, abstinence-based withdrawal practices, and fear of violence among clients [ 26 , 31 , 32 ]. Most of these centers employ a “mutual aid” approach, are faith-based, and are based in the Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) 12-step model of drug treatment [ 26 , 33 ].…”
Background
In the U.S. and Canada, people who inject drugs’ (PWID) enrollment in medication-assisted treatment (MAT) has been associated with a reduced likelihood that they will assist others in injection initiation events. We aimed to qualitatively explore PWID’s experiences with MAT and other drug treatment and related recovery services in Tijuana Mexico, a resource-limited setting disproportionately impacted by injection drug use.
Methods
PReventing Injecting by Modifying Existing Responses (PRIMER) seeks to assess socio-structural factors associated with PWID provision of injection initiation assistance. This analysis drew on qualitative data from Proyecto El Cuete (ECIV), a Tijuana-based PRIMER-linked cohort study. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with a subset of study participants to further explore experiences with MAT and other drug treatment services. Qualitative thematic analyses examined experiences with these services, including MAT enrollment, and related experiences with injection initiation assistance provision.
Results
At PRIMER baseline, 607(81.1%) out of 748 participants reported recent daily IDU, 41(5.5%) reported recent injection initiation assistance, 92(12.3%) reported any recent drug treatment or recovery service access, and 21(2.8%) reported recent MAT enrollment (i.e., methadone). Qualitative analysis (n = 21; female = 8) revealed that, overall, abstinence-based recovery services did not meet participants’ recovery goals, with substance use-related social connections in these contexts potentially shaping injection initiation assistance. Themes also highlighted individual-level (i.e., ambivalence and MAT-related stigma) and structural-level (i.e., cost and availability) barriers to MAT enrollment.
Conclusion
Tijuana’s abstinence-based drug treatment and recovery services were viewed as unable to meet participants’ recovery-related goals, which could be limiting the potential benefits of these services. Drug treatment and recovery services, including MAT, need to be modified to improve accessibility and benefits, like preventing transitions into drug injecting, for PWID.
“…The extant literature also identifies significant variation among anexos in Mexico according to whether or not they are registered with the Movimiento Internacional 24 Horas Alcohólicos Anónimos or the government, the organization of each anexo, and their policies in regard to being “open” or “closed” to the public (Lozano-Verduzco, Marín-Navarrete, Romero-Mendoza, & Tena-Suck, 2016; Marín-Navarrete et al, 2013; Pulido, Meyers, & Martínez, 2009). More recently, research in Mexico City has examined the unorthodox practices of some anexos that have cast a dark shadow over these recovery centers (García & Anderson, 2016). Some of the reported practices include physical restraint, verbal abuse, prolonged kneeling, and hitting and kicking (García & Anderson, 2016).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More recently, research in Mexico City has examined the unorthodox practices of some anexos that have cast a dark shadow over these recovery centers (García & Anderson, 2016). Some of the reported practices include physical restraint, verbal abuse, prolonged kneeling, and hitting and kicking (García & Anderson, 2016). It is important to note that the anexos in our research site abhor such punitive practices.…”
Our ethnographic study on help-seeking pathways of Latino immigrants in northern California reveals that they turn to anexos in their treatment and recovery quest. Anexos are linguistically- and culturally-specific recovery houses with origins in Mexico and Alcoholics Anonymous and a long history in Latino communities across the United States. Drawing on the findings of our study, we characterize the anexos and compare them to other recovery residences using National Alliance for Recovery Residences (NARR) criteria. The description and comparison reveal that anexos cannot be placed into a single NARR residence category. We discuss why this is the case.
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