Abstract:Participants recalled instances when they felt vicariously ashamed or guilty for another’s wrongdoing and rated their appraisals of the event and resulting motivations. The study tested aspects of social association that uniquely predict vicarious shame and guilt. Results suggest that the experience of vicarious shame and vicarious guilt are distinguishable. Vicarious guilt was predicted by one’s perceived interdependence with the wrong… Show more
“…Lickel ve arkadaşları (Lickel, Schmader ve Barquissau, 2004;Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier ve Ames, 2005) utanç duygusu kendi benliğini durumdan veya durumun failinden uzak tutmaya güdülerken, suçluluğun daha çok özür dileme ve telafi ile sonuçlandığını, utanç ve suçluluğun birbiriyle pozitif ilişkili olduğunugöstermişlerdir. Manzi ve Gonzalez (2007) kolektif suçluluk ve utancın telafi ve bağışlama ile pozitif bir korelasyon göstereceği ve utanca kıyasla suçluluğun daha güçlü bir korelasyona sahip olacağı hipotezlerini incelemişlerdir.…”
Section: Kolektif Suçluluk Ve Kolektif Utanç Ayrımıunclassified
The aim of this article is to present the studies that illustrate collective guilt-a common phenomenon observed in the context of intergroup relations as a consequence of harming another group and stems from sharing group membership with the harm-doers. First of all, collective guilt is defined. In this description some psychological processes used as alternatives for collective guilt are mentioned and differences of collective guilt from personel guilt and collective shame are presented. Then, whether collective guilt can be experienced on the world stage is discussed and four social psychological factors that are asserted by researchers to generate collective guilt are elaborated. These factors are self categorization as a member of a group that has harmed another group, accepting one's group to be responsible for the harm done to another group, perceiving the damaging behaviours done by ingroup as illegitimate and the cost of making reperations in terms of ingroup. Findings related to collective guilt experienced depending on mentioned four main factors and consequences of feeling collective guilt are shared. Finally, a general conclusion and future directions are presented.
“…Lickel ve arkadaşları (Lickel, Schmader ve Barquissau, 2004;Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier ve Ames, 2005) utanç duygusu kendi benliğini durumdan veya durumun failinden uzak tutmaya güdülerken, suçluluğun daha çok özür dileme ve telafi ile sonuçlandığını, utanç ve suçluluğun birbiriyle pozitif ilişkili olduğunugöstermişlerdir. Manzi ve Gonzalez (2007) kolektif suçluluk ve utancın telafi ve bağışlama ile pozitif bir korelasyon göstereceği ve utanca kıyasla suçluluğun daha güçlü bir korelasyona sahip olacağı hipotezlerini incelemişlerdir.…”
Section: Kolektif Suçluluk Ve Kolektif Utanç Ayrımıunclassified
The aim of this article is to present the studies that illustrate collective guilt-a common phenomenon observed in the context of intergroup relations as a consequence of harming another group and stems from sharing group membership with the harm-doers. First of all, collective guilt is defined. In this description some psychological processes used as alternatives for collective guilt are mentioned and differences of collective guilt from personel guilt and collective shame are presented. Then, whether collective guilt can be experienced on the world stage is discussed and four social psychological factors that are asserted by researchers to generate collective guilt are elaborated. These factors are self categorization as a member of a group that has harmed another group, accepting one's group to be responsible for the harm done to another group, perceiving the damaging behaviours done by ingroup as illegitimate and the cost of making reperations in terms of ingroup. Findings related to collective guilt experienced depending on mentioned four main factors and consequences of feeling collective guilt are shared. Finally, a general conclusion and future directions are presented.
“…A ello se ha sumado el rol que tiene la vergüenza colectiva en los procesos de reparación. Aun cuando se ha conceptualizado que ella debiera inhibir la disposición a reparar en la medida en que la imagen grupal se ve amenazada (Lickel, Schmader & Barquissau, 2004;Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier & Ames, 2005), también existe evidencia que revela que la vergüenza colectiva se asocia a actitudes de reparación Valencia et al, 2010). Esta evidencia a favor y en contra confirma la necesidad de seguir indagando en el concepto de vergüenza colectiva y sus distintos componentes (imagen negativa de self colectivo y vergüenza moral; .…”
Section: Emociones Intergrupales Asociadas Al Perdón Y La Reparaciónunclassified
“…El patrón de resultados obtenido confirma parcialmente lo que hipotetizamos, demostrando que el rol de los grupos en el conflicto (víctima o perpetrador) es relevante. asoció con el perdón en los dos grupos -además de asociarse con la reparación en el grupo de derecha-, mientras que la culpa se relacionó con la reparación, también en ambos grupos, y con el perdón, en el caso de la izquierda Doosje et al, 1998;Iyer, Leach & Crosby, 2003;Iyer et al, 2007;Lickel et al, 2005;Wohl & Branscombe, 2005). El hecho de que la empatía intergrupal se asocie consistentemente con el perdón es coherente con estudios previos que han mostrado que la capacidad para comprender la perspectiva con que la otra parte experimentó el conflicto es importante para aceptar la posibilidad de perdonar al exogrupo Dovidio et al, 2004;Finlay & Stephan, 2000;Noor, Brown & Prentice, 2008).…”
En el contexto de los procesos de reconciliación política en Chile, el estudio conceptualiza y somete a prueba un modelo mediacional que examina el patrón de relaciones que se establece entre identidades sociales (nacional y política) y actitudes de perdón y reparación política, mediado por emociones intergrupales (rabia, empatía, confianza, culpa y vergüenza). El modelo predice que las identidades sociales se asocian a las actitudes de perdón y reparación a través de las emociones propuestas. Implementando un muestreo intencional, 225 alumnos de 6 universidades de Santiago que se identifican con la derecha y 264 con la izquierda participaron voluntariamente en el estudio. Hubo un apoyo parcial al rol mediador de las emociones intergrupales en la relación entre identidad social y actitudes de reparación y perdón, pues se constató un patrón diferente según el grupo: en el de izquierda la empatía y la rabia fueron mediadores significativos del perdón; en el de derecha solo la empatía resultó ser un mediador significativo para la reparación y perdón intergrupal. Se discuten las implicancias teóricas y prácticas de estos hallazgos.Palabras clave: perdón intergrupal, reparación política, emociones intergrupales, identidades socialesIn the context of the Chilean political reconciliation process, the present study conceptualizes and tests a meditational model that examines the relational pattern established between social identities (national and political) and attitudes toward political forgiveness and reparation, mediated by intergroup emotional factors (anger, empathy, trust, guilt, and shame). The model predicts that social identities are associated with forgiveness and reparation through the proposed emotional processes. A purposive sample of 225 students of 6 universities of Santiago who identify with the right and 264 who identify with the left voluntarily took part in the study. The results partially supported the predicted meditational role played by intergroup emotions in the relationship of identities with forgiveness and reparation, with different relational patterns being observed in the left and right-wing groups. In the former, empathy and anger were significant mediators of forgiveness, while in the latter, only empathy was a significant mediator of intergroup forgiveness and reparation. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are addressed.
“…Pride and guilt are typically thought of as responses to individuals' own actions (Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier, & Ames, 2005). The experience of guilt, for example, is often conceptualized as an aversive emotion that follows the realization that one has harmed another person or the group (Nelissen & Zeelenberg, 2009;Tangney & Dearing, 2002).…”
Section: Do Young Children Accept Responsibility For the Negative Actmentioning
This study investigated whether young children accept responsibility for the negative actions of ingroup members. Five-year-old children watched a transgressor break someone else's valued possession. Depending on condition, this transgressor either belonged to the same group as the child or a different group from the child. Coding of children's nonverbal behaviour indicated that they displayed more signs of guilt (but not other negative emotions) when the transgressor belonged to their own group than the other group. Furthermore, when the transgressor belonged to their own group, children were more likely to say that their own group should apologise for the damage and that they themselves should try to repair the broken object. Children's connections to their groups are thus so profound that they appear to feel responsible for the negative actions of their group members even when they had no personal involvement in the harm those actions caused.
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