Veiling Resistance

Guindi, Fadwa El

doi:10.2752/136270499779165626

Cited by 18 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…Whilst earlier forms of revivalist dress pioneered in Egypt in the mid-1970s were made at home by activists (El Guindi 1999), by the 1990s in Turkey the emergence of an Islamic bourgeoisie had led to the development and manufacture of Islamic products and services distributed and consumed as part of an Islamic lifestyle. For the Turkish state, the assertive spatial practices of veiled educated Islamist women who demand a place in state education and institutions is a contradiction in terms.…”

Section: Spaces Of Fashionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Veils and Sales: Muslims and the Spaces of Postcolonial Fashion Retail

Lewis

2007

Fashion Theory

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Linking veils to fashion (and Islam to modernity), this article analyzes the presence of veiled assistants in London fashion shops as examples of spatial relations that are socializing and ethnicizing. In the anxious days after the 2005 bombs, the veiled body working in West End fashion retail moved through the postcolonial city in a series of fluid dress acts whose meanings were only partially legible to her different audiences. Connecting recent international Muslim lifestyle consumer cultures to gendered consumption in the development of Middle Eastern modernities, this article evaluates new British legislation protecting

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Section: Spaces Of Fashionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Veils and Sales: Muslims and the Spaces of Postcolonial Fashion Retail

Lewis

2007

Fashion Theory

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“…Postcolonial readings of veiling, particularly as they relate to women, are extensive. Yet there remains limited scholarship detailing Western audience's relationships with head coverings for Arab men (El Guindi, 2003). For years, postcolonial studies has devoted a great deal of attention to the ways images of veiled women repeatedly have held a certain victimized and sexualized mystique for Western audiences (Abu-Lughod, 2002;Ayotte & Husain, 2005;Bhabha, 1983;Cloud, 2004;Donnell, 1999;Fanon, 1980;Grewal, 2005;Hoodfar, 1997;Kensinger, 2003;Mehta, 2002;Naghibi, 1999;Razack, 1998;Vivian, 1999;Woodhull, 1993;Yegenoglu, 1998).…”

Section: Postcolonial Palestinian Pridementioning

confidence: 99%

“…For years, postcolonial studies has devoted a great deal of attention to the ways images of veiled women repeatedly have held a certain victimized and sexualized mystique for Western audiences (Abu-Lughod, 2002;Ayotte & Husain, 2005;Bhabha, 1983;Cloud, 2004;Donnell, 1999;Fanon, 1980;Grewal, 2005;Hoodfar, 1997;Kensinger, 2003;Mehta, 2002;Naghibi, 1999;Razack, 1998;Vivian, 1999;Woodhull, 1993;Yegenoglu, 1998). Yet there remains limited scholarship detailing Western audience's relationships with head coverings for Arab men (El Guindi, 2003).…”

Section: Postcolonial Palestinian Pridementioning

confidence: 99%

Postcolonial Globalized Communication and Rapping theKufiyya

Schwartz-DuPre

Scott

2015

Communication, Culture & Critique

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This article is a response to the current reduction of postcolonial work in communication studies and the broader rejection of postcolonial theory in the humanities in favor of globalization studies. We detail the current relationships between postcolonial and globalization scholars to advance the claim that neither field is sufficient without a critical engagement of the other. To trace the important ways in which a joint postcolonial-globalized reading attends to the complexities of contemporary global culture, we focus on the adoption of the historical Palestinian kufiyya by war activists, fashion icons, and antiterrorism constituencies in the United States.

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“…Fanon's identification and analysis of French colonizers' "precise political doctrine" to "unveil" Algerian women as a means of conquering the colonized society (Fanon 1965, 37-38) have been the foundation of much feminist post-colonial work which has examined Orientalist representations of both the veil (i.e. Lewis 2003;El-Guindi 2003;and Woodhull 2003), and the extent to which unveiling women has frequently become a "convenient instrument for signifying many issues at once, i.e. the construction of modern [national] identity" (Yegenoglu 1998, 132).…”

Section: -Year-old Male Biology Student Havana November 2006 My mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the Qur'an, the terms hijab (mentioned seven times), jilbab (33:59) and khimar (24:31), respectively refer to an item/piece of cloth which broadly conceals or separates (in this case) women from men; "an outer garment" used by decent women "[when in public];" and, lastly, a long head covering (Küng 2007, 621ff). Whilst not included specifically in the Qur'an, many other types of veils are worn by Muslim women, including the burqa, chador, haïk and niqab, all of which cover different parts of women's heads (including their necks and faces) and are worn in combination with modest clothing, often with gloves and socks (El-Guindi 2003).…”

Section: Veiling or Unveiling In The Public Sphere?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Veiling of Religious Markers in the Sahrawi Diaspora

Fiddian-Qasmiyeh¹

2015

Religion in Diaspora

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2 to have become a form of "religion" in and of themselves (ie. Hopgood's 2006 analysis of Amnesty International). Despite this increased attention, the ways in which religious symbols have been strategically mobilized by non-state actors such as the Polisario Front/SADR as a means of negotiating interactions between refugees and humanitarian donors have been under-represented within academic and policy-relevant studies alike. This chapter thus draws upon the case-study of the Sahrawi protracted refugee situation to explore the role(s) which religious symbols play during "humanitarian encounters" between Sahrawi refugees in their Algerian-based refugee camps and across the refugee-diaspora in countries including Spain and Cuba, and European and North American humanitarian actors which purport to be secular in nature. 1 In so doing, I identify some of the ways in which purportedly secular humanitarianism is nonetheless deeply implicated in state and non-state discourses and practices pertaining to religious identity and practice, especially in light of contemporary geopolitical concerns regarding 'Islamism' and 'terrorism' in North Africa. Scripting the Sahrawi Refugee Camps Whilst almost entirely dependent upon externally provided support, the Sahrawi refugee camps have been managed by the Polisario Front since the camps' establishment in 1975 (for a detailed history of the conflict over the Western Sahara, see Fiddian-Qasmiyeh 2014). In February 1976, the Polisario established the camp-based 'Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic' (SADR), the Sahrawi 'state-in-exile' which has been recognized by over 70 non-Western states and is a full member of the African Union (formerly the Organization of African Unity). The Polisario/SADR is 'the only authority with which camp residents have regular contact' (Human Rights Watch 2008: 9), and it has developed its own constitution, camp-based ministries, police force (and prisons), army and parallel 'state' and religious legal systems, the latter implementing a Maliki interpretation of Islam. The Sahrawi 'state', law and religion are thus intimately interconnected in the camps, with Islam identified in the Sahrawi Constitution as the explicit fundamental source of the Sahrawi legal system (Art. 2 and Art. 3 of the 2003 and 1976 SADR Constitution respectively), and the Ministry of Justice and Religious Affairs having joint functions. Despite these interconnections, however, the Sahrawi refugee camps have habitually been heralded by European and North American observers as 'ideal' spaces and locales of 'best practice' through explicit reference to the 'secular' and 'democratic' nature of the camps (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh 2010a, 2014). Indeed, elsewhere I have argued that during encounters with European secular and Christian audiences, the Polisario mobilizes two intersecting strategies: first, it has a tendency to 'silence' and render invisible the multiple, and at times contested, roles of Islam in the camps; second, on those occasions when religion is mentioned, the Polisario systematic...

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Veiling Resistance

Cited by 18 publications

References 8 publications

Veils and Sales: Muslims and the Spaces of Postcolonial Fashion Retail

Veils and Sales: Muslims and the Spaces of Postcolonial Fashion Retail

Postcolonial Globalized Communication and Rapping theKufiyya

The Veiling of Religious Markers in the Sahrawi Diaspora

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