Variation and the reconditioning of phonological rules

Coetsem, Frans van; Buccini, Anthony F.

doi:10.1016/0024-3841(90)90011-9

Lingua

1990

DOI: 10.1016/0024-3841(90)90011-9

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Variation and the reconditioning of phonological rules

Frans van Coetsem

Anthony F. Buccini

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Cited by 5 publications

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“… Van Coetsem and Buccini (: 211) speculate that general stressed syllable diphthongization could represent a ‘reconditioning’ of metaphonic diphthongization, but they give no clear account of how or why such ‘reconditioning’ could have occurred. …”

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Italo‐Romance Metaphony and the Tuscan Diphthongs

Maiden

2015

Trans of the Philol Soc

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The historical causes of general so-called 'opening' diphthongization of proto-Romance low mid vowels in stressed open syllables are an enduring matter of dispute in historical Romance phonology, the two principal positions being that the diphthongs originate in the assimilatory process of metaphony conditioned by following unstressed vowels, or that they are a matter of 'spontaneous' diphthongization associated with lengthening of the vowels. Most recent scholarship on the subject has tended to favour the latter view. This study, focusing on Tuscan (and thereby on Italian), reasserts the case for the former interpretation, critically reviewing older arguments and adducing new ones to show that the details of Tuscan open syllable diphtongization are significantly correlated with a metaphonic origin, despite claims to the contrary. In particular, I argue that the restriction of the generalized diphthongs to open syllables reflects the early conditions of metaphony, and that the occasional absence of the diphthongs in Tuscan systematically presupposes the historical absence of a metaphonizing environment. In conclusion, I reflect on the significance of my claims both for general Romance historical morphology and, particularly, for the place of Tuscan among the Italo-Romance dialects. The data also show how morphological analogy may play a significant role in the diffusion of the effects of sound change.

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confidence: 99%

Italo‐Romance Metaphony and the Tuscan Diphthongs

Maiden

2015

Trans of the Philol Soc

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Fluid intransitivity in Middle Welsh: Gradience, typology and ‘unaccusativity’

Manning

1995

Lingua

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Umlautless Residues in Germanic

Howell¹,

Salmons²

1997

Am. J. Ger. Linguist. Lit.

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Evidence suggests that Germanic languages resisted the spread of historical umlaut processes. We propose that examples of such superficially varied umlautless residues all yield to a single coherent phonological account. Specifically, these vocalic assimilations show strong preferences for reducing more extreme differences in place of articulation between trigger and target while failing to assimilate articulatorily closer vowels, so that triggering /i, j/ first and most consistently mutated /a/ and last and least consistently mutated /u(:)/. This vocalic cline interacts with the consonantal material intervening between trigger and target, so that obstruent clusters (especially velar or labial) are prone to inhibit umlaut. In both cases, the smaller the phonetic difference between target and trigger, the less likely umlaut is to occur. While umlaut failure has long been consigned to the margins of theories of umlaut, we argue that it is crucial, providing a snapshot of how umlaut unfolded across western and north Germanic.

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Variation and the reconditioning of phonological rules

Cited by 5 publications

References 15 publications

Italo‐Romance Metaphony and the Tuscan Diphthongs

Italo‐Romance Metaphony and the Tuscan Diphthongs

Fluid intransitivity in Middle Welsh: Gradience, typology and ‘unaccusativity’

Umlautless Residues in Germanic

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