Variability and multiplicity in the meanings of stereotypical gendered speech in Japanese

Abstract

Recent research on the use of gendered speech in Japanese has demonstrated extensive within-gender diversity, suggesting that the relationship between linguistic forms and gender is variable, not fixed. While this diversity in use suggests a diversity in interpretation, the latter has not been adequately examined in its own right and deserves closer attention, given that it has important implications for the relationship between linguistic forms and social meanings. To address this gap, this article analyses both native speakers' metapragmatic comments on the use of gendered linguistic forms and the interpretation of such forms used in situated conversations. It considers how and why forms normatively interpreted as feminine or masculine may be (re)interpreted differently by different persons or in different social contexts. Drawing on the notion of indirect and variable indexicality, I consider how such diverse and multiple interpretations can be accounted for in a theoretically coherent manner.

Gender norms and styling in Japanese conversation: A multilevel analysis

“…The use of the contracted form, together with ttū ‘say’ (the informal form of to yū or tte yū ‘say that’) in line 1 seems to emphasize his discontent about this fact. Okamoto (2016) and Okamoto and Sato (1992) reported that some young women used this contracted form, but when they did, they tended to qualify it by hedging (e.g., mitaina ‘like’) and/or with laughter, which suggests their ambivalent stance toward the norms for women's speech. In contrast, when the men in Okamoto's (2016) study used the contracted form (quite frequently), they did not qualify it at all.…”

“…These findings suggest a greater effect of gender norms on the two female speakers in MGCs than in SGCs. Furthermore, although none of the women or men in the study used the strongly masculine forms zo and ze, previous studies have reported that (young) women occasionally use them and that when they do, they often accompany the forms with a hedge or laughter (Okamoto, 1995(Okamoto, , 2016, suggesting that these women are aware they are breaking a norm. Thus, although the gender categories of the SFFs in Table 2 may require revision as norms for contemporary (standard Japanese-speaking) women, they still may be relevant depending on the situation and on the SFF.…”

“…In contemporary society, the media plays a particularly significant role in reinforcing linguistic gender norms (e.g., Talbot, 2019). The Japanese media is no exception (e.g., Okamoto, 2018;Okamoto & Shibamoto Smith, 2008, 2016Mizumoto, 2006;Nakamura, 2007Nakamura, , 2013Satake, 2003).…”

“…One extremely important point to note is the lack of research on the relevance of standard Japanesebased linguistic gender norms to speakers of regional dialects (cf. Okamoto, 2016Okamoto, , 2021Sunaoshi, 2004), which is sorely needed.…”

How Do Female and Male Characters Speak in the Japanese Translation of English Crime Novels?

“…Obviously, Japanese speakers are not automata and do not always conform to these linguistic gender norms in practice for a variety of reasons, as has been demonstrated by a number of empirical studies (e.g. Okamoto 1995Okamoto , 2016Shibamoto Smith 2004, 2016;Miyazaki 2004;Mizumoto 2006;Okada 2008;Sunaoshi 2004;Abe 2010).…”