Abstract:NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications.
“…24 Since 287(g) agreements took place before DACA (Watson, 2013), that policy is less likely to contaminate our effects, and we find no evidence of significant responses in our pre-trend analysis. Furthermore, Dee and Murphy (2018) find that 287(g) actually reduced high school enrollment, which implies that contamination from this program are likely to imply that our estimates are conservative. The Criminal Alien Program (CAP) also saw expansions many years prior to DACA.…”
This paper studies human capital responses to the availability of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which provides temporary work authorization and deferral from deportation for undocumented, high-school-educated youth. We use a sample of young adults that migrated to the United States as children to implement a difference-in-difference design that compares noncitizen immigrants (“eligible”) to citizen immigrants (“ineligible”) over time. We find that DACA significantly increased high school attendance and high school graduation rates, reducing the citizen-noncitizen gap in graduation by 40 percent. We also find positive, though imprecise, impacts on college attendance. (JEL H52, I21, I26, J13, J15, J24)
“…24 Since 287(g) agreements took place before DACA (Watson, 2013), that policy is less likely to contaminate our effects, and we find no evidence of significant responses in our pre-trend analysis. Furthermore, Dee and Murphy (2018) find that 287(g) actually reduced high school enrollment, which implies that contamination from this program are likely to imply that our estimates are conservative. The Criminal Alien Program (CAP) also saw expansions many years prior to DACA.…”
This paper studies human capital responses to the availability of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which provides temporary work authorization and deferral from deportation for undocumented, high-school-educated youth. We use a sample of young adults that migrated to the United States as children to implement a difference-in-difference design that compares noncitizen immigrants (“eligible”) to citizen immigrants (“ineligible”) over time. We find that DACA significantly increased high school attendance and high school graduation rates, reducing the citizen-noncitizen gap in graduation by 40 percent. We also find positive, though imprecise, impacts on college attendance. (JEL H52, I21, I26, J13, J15, J24)
“…However, even in the face of falling achievement for individual children, immigration enforcement policies may increase measured average achievement by Hispanic students if newly implemented immigration enforcement policies lead to families with unauthorized members migrating or withdrawing children from school. Following increases in immigration enforcement, children of unauthorized immigrants are more likely to leave school (Amuedo-Dorantes & Lopez, 2015) and the activation of a different type of partnership between ICE and local law enforcement, 287(g) programs, decreased Hispanic enrollment in affected counties (Dee & Murphy, 2018). Considering that the children of unauthorized parents likely perform below other Hispanic children, in part because they belong to a more vulnerable, lower income population, removing them from the school system may increase the average levels of performance for Hispanic students.…”
Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They find that effects are concentrated primarily among younger students, with the children of likely unauthorized immigrants aged 6 to 13 years more likely to repeat grades and drop out of school in the wake of immigration enforcement policies. The activation of 287(g) programs specifically decreased the school enrollment of Hispanic students (Dee & Murphy, 2018), although it is unclear whether this decrease is the result of migration or dropping out.…”
Over the past decade, U.S. immigration enforcement policies have increasingly targeted unauthorized immigrants residing in the U.S. interior, many of whom are the parents of U.S.-citizen children. Heightened immigration enforcement may affect student achievement through stress, income effects, or student mobility. I use one immigration enforcement policy, Secure Communities, to examine this relationship. I use the staggered activation of Secure Communities across counties to measure its relationship with average achievement for Hispanic students, as well as non-Hispanic Black and White students. I find that the activation of Secure Communities was associated with decreases in average achievement for Hispanic students in English Language Arts as well as Black students in English Language Arts and math. Similarly, I find that increases in removals are associated with decreases in achievement for Hispanic and Black students. I note that the timing of rollout is potentially correlated with other county trends affecting results.
“…Sanctuary policies have received heightened attention and scrutiny from policymakers, primarily driven by concerns over public safety related to increased undocumented immigration. Apart from the empirical research not supporting a link between sanctuary policy adoption and crime, other research has found negative effects of increased immigration enforcement on education more broadly (Amuedo-Dorantes & Lopez, 2017;Bellows, 2019;Dee & Murphy, 2019). Immigrant youth, who already face uncertain futures due the intersection of their undocumented status and federal law, may also bear some of the biggest burden of immigration enforcement, leading them to miss school or transfer school districts (Dee & Murphy, 2019).…”
This study explores the association between sanctuary policies and the high school completion and college enrollment of Hispanic undocumented youth. Sanctuary policies, which city, county, and/or state governments implement, prohibit local political leaders and police officials from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement officers regarding the questioning, detention, and deportation of undocumented immigrants. This study uses data from the American Community Survey and applies a difference-in-differences design. On average, my preferred specification detected no association with high school completion or college enrollment. These findings suggest that although these policies may help counteract immigration enforcement, they may not reduce uncertainty enough to have a significant relationship with educational outcomes.
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