“…Begging was rare in these close, largely non-market contexts. Able members contributed to the group’s wellbeing, with the sick or disabled cared for by kin (Gillin 1929). This dynamic stems from simple societies not having differentiated social, economic, and political spheres.…”
This study explores indigence as a potential by-product of newly-formed markets, and inquires into the factors from which this indigence might develop. Both are addressed via historical research, in the context of 19th-century Denver, Colorado, U.S., using beggars as a proxy for the indigent. Data from period newspapers indicates that begging emerged concurrently with Denver’s 1858 foundation. By 1880 it reached significant proportions. Consistent with the literature, Denver begging derived from interrelated micro, meso, and macro factors: Immigration, venture failure, vice, economic reactivation, proletarianization, lack of social support, government policy, environmental degradation, racial discrimination, and personal choice. These ten factors mirror some of the issues still confronting Denver and other cities/countries today. We conclude that indigence does not necessarily result from personal flaws, nor is it an anomaly of otherwise well-operating markets. It can be a byproduct of larger, more complex market systems, exacerbated by the canons of laissez-faire economics. Historical marketing research enhances how current market issues are understood.
“…Begging was rare in these close, largely non-market contexts. Able members contributed to the group’s wellbeing, with the sick or disabled cared for by kin (Gillin 1929). This dynamic stems from simple societies not having differentiated social, economic, and political spheres.…”
This study explores indigence as a potential by-product of newly-formed markets, and inquires into the factors from which this indigence might develop. Both are addressed via historical research, in the context of 19th-century Denver, Colorado, U.S., using beggars as a proxy for the indigent. Data from period newspapers indicates that begging emerged concurrently with Denver’s 1858 foundation. By 1880 it reached significant proportions. Consistent with the literature, Denver begging derived from interrelated micro, meso, and macro factors: Immigration, venture failure, vice, economic reactivation, proletarianization, lack of social support, government policy, environmental degradation, racial discrimination, and personal choice. These ten factors mirror some of the issues still confronting Denver and other cities/countries today. We conclude that indigence does not necessarily result from personal flaws, nor is it an anomaly of otherwise well-operating markets. It can be a byproduct of larger, more complex market systems, exacerbated by the canons of laissez-faire economics. Historical marketing research enhances how current market issues are understood.
“…Group counseling can be an effective measure to solve this ongoing problems in Bangladesh as well in the world also while prevailing multidimensional perilous condition [81][82][83][84][85].…”
Abstract:The study was conducted at four upazilas in Dhaka city of Bangladesh taking 70.73% boys and 29.29% girls using convenience sampling method. About 41.46% respondents were 2501-3000 BDT, 9.75% were 1001-1500 BDT and 3001-3500 BDT earners having 82.92% respondents no link with other occupations. Some 53.66% fathers of the respondents were rickshaw pullers, 17.07% farmers and beggars as well as 46.34% mothers of respondents were housewives, 26.83% beggars and day labors in occupation. About 60.97% respondents came in begging from the slums and 63.41% respondents adopt begging due to their poverty and 34.15% were forced beggars.
“…Professional beggars and conmen; male homosexuals; ruffians, pimps, and brothels owners were sent to the Pisão labour colony. According to Gillin (), who was familiar with the best Belgian and Swiss institutions, the Lisbon Mitra shelter displayed certain similarities to one exemplary model in managing vagrancy: ‘When I visited Merxplas (Belgium) in the spring of 1928 the inmates were employed either on the land or in the extensive shops at the institutions. […] There are four divisions: (1) division for old men who cannot work; (2) one for the immoral man, i.e.…”
Section: Heterotopias Of Vagrancy: Punishing and Rehabilitating ‘Thromentioning
confidence: 99%
“…[…] There are four divisions: (1) division for old men who cannot work; (2) one for the immoral man, i.e. homosexuals and those who visit prostitutes (3) one for feeble‐minded vagrants; and (4) one for young men from 16 to 21 years who have been committed for vagrancy before.’ (Gillin , p. 430‐431)…”
Section: Heterotopias Of Vagrancy: Punishing and Rehabilitating ‘Thromentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Professional beggars and conmen; male homosexuals; ruffians, pimps, and brothels owners were sent to the Pisão labour colony. According to Gillin (1929), who was familiar with the best Belgian and Swiss institutions, the Lisbon Mitra shelter displayed certain similarities to one exemplary model in managing vagrancy:…”
Section: Heterotopias Of Vagrancy: Punishing and Rehabilitating 'Thromentioning
This paper discusses the tension between the criminal justice system and the welfare state as expressed through practices focused on populations who are perceived as being ‘at risk’ and constituting ‘a danger’ to society, therefore challenging the national governance of social precariousness and public (in)security. The analysis of a paradigmatic institution of Portuguese Fascism has brought to light how the contradictions between the long‐term subjectivation of vagrancy processes and the uses of anti‐vagrancy policies promoted by the dictatorial state to arrest and punish a significant part of his citizens may justify the moral dilemmas underlying the current Portuguese State's response to homelessness and urban marginality.
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