Uyghur Nation

Brophy, David

doi:10.4159/9780674970441

Cited by 82 publications

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“…Although Li Qian's relationship to his patron the King of Hami has been addressed elsewhere, as has Li's overall campaign in the context of Chinese Muslim debates on the nature of their identity, the involvement of other Muslim political leaders with Li has not. 17 Li's campaign failed: by 1922, Li Qian had earnt the intense enmity of Xinjiang Governor Yang Zengxin, who saw Li as an obstacle to his own designs. He was also facing a backlash from the Xinjiang aristocrats he claimed to represent, several of whom petitioned to say that they had not appointed him.…”

Section: 'Muslim Warlords'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…He was also facing a backlash from the Xinjiang aristocrats he claimed to represent, several of whom petitioned to say that they had not appointed him. 18 The publication of his correspondence in support of Muslim representation was a tacit acknowledgement of the political turmoil that had stymied his campaign and his personal inability to pursue it further. 19 In his preface to the collection, Li hoped that: All our Muslim elders, brothers and sons will know that for our people (wu zu) for over a decade I rushed eastwards then westwards, to every province, in pursuit of my mission so that in future there shall be determined heroes who arise to advance on my foundation.…”

Section: 'Muslim Warlords'mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Old Rebellions, New Minorities: Ma Family Leaders and Debates Over Communal Representation Following the Xinhai Rebellion, 1911

Theaker

2021

Global Intellectual History

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Following the 1911 Xinhai Rebellion, the new leadership began to stress the fundamental unity of the peoples of the new Republic of China, even as newspaper commentaries foretold the need for separate Muslim representation as the only way to buy the participation of that constituency in the new state. Influential Chinese Muslim military leaders controlled much of the northwest; their participation in the new state was crucial to its survival. However, whilst the legacies of a nineteenth century process of minoritization meant it was often assumed Muslims would want either separate representation or independence, separate representation was never a cause the northwestern leadership truly espoused. Instead, although figures such as Ma Anliang, Ma Bufang and Ma Fuxiang were recognized unofficially as 'Muslim leaders', they promoted themselves as experts on other minorities, and as guardians of the integrity of the old, multi-ethnic space that had been the Qing empire. This article argues that in rejecting their own minoritization, the Chinese Muslim leaders sought to ensure the place of other minorities -Tibetan, Mongolian, Turkicin the emerging framework of the Chinese Nationalist state, often with great violence. Only then could they be afforded space within that new state as one minority among others. KEYWORDS Minoritization; Republican China; Islam in China; Ma family; Hui; legacies of empireThe world has evolved, and ten thousand teachings contend for supremacy. Even a household sect still must know how to strive in order to survive in the evolutionary world. (Li Qian) 1In 1918, Ma Tingrang, son of the most prominent Chinese Muslim military official in north western China, returned abruptly to his hometown and began to gather forces to his bannera move immediately seen by most observers as the precursor to a proclamation of Muslim independence. 2 Drawing on his grandfather's authority as an imam of near saint-like status, and his father's authority as unofficial leader of the Gansu Muslim establishment, Ma called local Muslim militias to his banner. Unfortunately for the would-be revolutionary, his father Ma Anliang heard news of his son's plans and

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Section: 'Muslim Warlords'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: 'Muslim Warlords'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Old Rebellions, New Minorities: Ma Family Leaders and Debates Over Communal Representation Following the Xinhai Rebellion, 1911

Theaker

2021

Global Intellectual History

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“…When the CCP arrived in Xinjiang in 1949, it had not a single Uyghur member, and thus leaned heavily on this Soviet-influenced Uyghur group to form new political and cultural elites in the region. 87 The Uyghurs and other ethnicities in Xinjiang are the subject of extensive ethnographic footage in Desert Skies. The film's Urumqi sequence presents a vision of multinational harmony highly reminiscent of representations of Soviet nationalities policy in peripheral spaces such as Central Asia.…”

Section: Epilogue: the Uyghurs Of Xinjiang Between Framesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The influence of Soviet nationalities policies in Central Asia created the conditions for the development of a modern Uyghur national identity. 16 Even after the PRC reestablished centralized state control over Xinjiang after 1949, the Chinese need for economic aid led to arrangements that extended privileged Soviet access to the region's natural resources into the mid-fifties. 17 In a 1958 conversation with Nikita Khrushchev, Mao would claim that Stalin had turned Xinjiang into a "semi-colony."…”

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confidence: 99%

Stalled at Friendship Station: Under Ancient Desert Skies, the Socialist Silk Road, and Cinematic Collaboration on the Eve of the Sino‐Soviet Split

Tyerman

2021

The Russian Review

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This article contributes to an emerging history of socialist world cinema by uncovering the forgotten story of a Sino‐Soviet cinematic collaboration from 1957–58: a film expedition that travelled the route of a proposed railway line linking Almaty in Kazakhstan, via Xinjiang, to Lanzhou in western China. At the height of the Sino‐Soviet “honeymoon” in the 1950s, this 2,800km “Road of Friendship” was celebrated as a revival of the ancient Silk Road for an age of industrialized, international socialism. Co‐produced by the Moscow and Shanghai scientific‐popular film studios, the film had two directors, the Soviet veteran Vladimir Shneiderov and the Chinese novice Qin Zhen. The film they created appeared under two names: while its Chinese title, Almaty‐Lanzhou (Alamutu‐Lanzhou), spoke in neutral tones of connection and modernization, the Russian title, Under Ancient Desert Skies (Pod nebom drevnikh pustyn'), evoked the exotic allure of a motor expedition along the traces of the Silk Road. My excavation of the Road of Friendship and the film that celebrated its construction offers a case study in the aspirations and limitations of Sino‐Soviet collaboration in the mid‐1950s. In particular, the history of both railway and film illuminate the role of Xinjiang as a frontier region where the ideals of internationalist collaboration confronted a longer history of imperial contestation between the Russian and Chinese states in Central Asia. Grounded in archival materials, this reconstruction of the project foregrounds both the politics and the poetics of collaboration: both the production history of the film, and the way that the film itself stages and performs its own ideals of collaborative “friendship.” Collaboration, it becomes clear from the film and its production materials, was both an important ideal and a fraught business. The Road of Friendship itself, meanwhile, fell victim to the Sino‐Soviet Split of the early 1960s. The two sides were supposed to connect at the town of Druzhba (Dostyk, “Friendship”) on the Sino‐Soviet border, but the Chinese branch only reached Druzhba in 1990—just in time for the collapse of the USSR. Today the Lanzhou—Almaty rail route constitutes a central link in China's Belt and Road infrastructure initiative, another reimagining of the Silk Road for twenty‐first‐century global capitalism.

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“…In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jadid Muslim reformers educated in Russia or the Ottoman Empire promoted modernist thought and new ideas about education and religion throughout Central Asia. 26 In the 1920s and 1930s, Uyghurs also sought inspiration in the Soviet Union's modernization and nationality policies, 27 as well as in the Kemalist reforms in Turkey. 28 At the same time modern ideas and concepts arrived in Republican China in large part via Japan, manifesting in Sun Yatsen's nationalism, 29 and in cultural movements such as the May Fourth Movement and the New Culture Movement.…”

Section: Institutionalizing Modernity In Xinjiangmentioning

confidence: 99%

Uyghur customs: the genesis, popularity, productivity and demise of a modern Uyghur topos

Steenberg

2020

Asian Ethnicity

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This article traces the development of the modern concept of 'Uyghur customs' in Xinjiang, its rise to popularity in the 1980s-2010s and its demise after 2016. It argues that a certain modern notion of customs took shape in Xinjiang within the frame of modernization policies and the strengthening of formal bureaucracy. This notion, built on ideas introduced in the early twentieth century, defined customs as being distinct from politics, religion and economy. It provided Uyghur intellectuals with a politically safe space to write about local practices and construct Uyghur identity. These intellectuals were bridge builders between modern Chinese society and Uyghur communities. They used discourses around customs formulated in articles, books, TV-shows and teaching to envision a specifically Uyghur modernity. This cultural production ended abruptly with the detention of many of its protagonists and a general security clampdown on minority people and culture in Xinjiang from 2017.

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Uyghur Nation

Cited by 82 publications

References 0 publications

Old Rebellions, New Minorities: Ma Family Leaders and Debates Over Communal Representation Following the Xinhai Rebellion, 1911

Old Rebellions, New Minorities: Ma Family Leaders and Debates Over Communal Representation Following the Xinhai Rebellion, 1911

Stalled at Friendship Station: Under Ancient Desert Skies, the Socialist Silk Road, and Cinematic Collaboration on the Eve of the Sino‐Soviet Split

Uyghur customs: the genesis, popularity, productivity and demise of a modern Uyghur topos

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