US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army

Pfiffner, James P.

doi:10.1080/02684521003588120

Cited by 29 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…This implies, for instance, that when Maduro or his party finally leave power, the military and other state bodies may experience a process of "de-Chavezation" similar to the de-Baathification that took place in Iraq. In that case, the purge of Baathist military elements led to a reduction in state security capacity and the continuing function of the Iraqi government (Pfiffner 2010). In Venezuela, this would mean a loss of expertise as well as agency capacity.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bureaucratic Politicization, Partisan Attachments, and the Limits of Public Agency Legitimacy: The Venezuelan Armed Forces under Chavismo

Polga-Hecimovich

2019

Lat. American Res. Rev.

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Which factors determine support for the armed forces? What is the effect of agency politicization on confidence? Existing studies, which draw largely from bureaucratically neutral militaries, find that interpersonal trust and demographic variables play significant roles in determining public confidence in the armed forces. I argue that this is different for a politicized agency. A loss of bureaucratic neutrality activates voters’ partisan attachments, inducing individuals to judge the agency on the basis of their ties to the governing party or leader. Using survey data from Venezuela, I show that government evaluation has a salient and bifurcated effect on respondents’ perceptions of their armed forces. Respondents sympathetic to the governing leader are more likely to have a favorable view of the military while those identifying as opposition are more likely to have a negative view. The results suggest that politicization of public agencies may impose an upper limit on public support regardless of institutional performance, undermine their representativeness and legitimacy, and weaken their mandates.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bureaucratic Politicization, Partisan Attachments, and the Limits of Public Agency Legitimacy: The Venezuelan Armed Forces under Chavismo

Polga-Hecimovich

2019

Lat. American Res. Rev.

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“…As James Pfiffner shows, both decrees were made "against the advice of military and CIA professionals and without consulting important members of the President's staff and cabinet. " 90 It is now well-documented that many soldiers of the former Iraqi army joined the insurgency, and many former officers have been providing military expertise to the self-declared "caliphate" of the "Islamic State. " 91 For Benslama, one of the causes of Islamist extremism is "the widespread liquidation of speech and political meaning" that has been enforced for decades, and the resulting "catastrophic collapse of language": according to Benslama, language was "no longer able to translate for people a particularly intense historical experience, that of the modern era. "…”

Section: Cruelty: Our Day Our Agementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Corngold,43. Mark Anderson reads the word "festgenagelt" as confirming the "Christian overtones of this death" which "support the basic narrative of conflict between father and son" (Mark Anderson, "Aesthetic Autonomy in The Metamorphosis, " in Franz Kafka's The Metamorphosis,90).…”

Section: Cruelty: Our Day Our Agementioning

confidence: 99%

“…14 12 The prisoners had no registration numbers, no access to lawyers or visits from the International Red Cross, and their families had no knowledge of their whereabouts. The very existence of these prisons was first revealed to a larger audience through an article by Levi,Survival in Auschwitz,90: "Their life is short, but their number is endless: they, the Muselmänner, the drowned, form the backbone of the camp, an anonymous mass, continually renewed and always identical, of non-men [non-uomini] who march and labour in silence, the divine spark dead within them, already too empty to really suffer. One hesitates to call them living: one hesitates to call their death death, in the face of which they have no fear, as they are too tired to understand. "…”

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confidence: 99%

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Kill Boxes: Facing the Legacy of US-Sponsored Torture, Indefinite Detention, and Drone Warfare

Weber¹

2018

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“…685 As a result, CPAO1 drove some 85,000 to 100,000 people from government jobs who in Bremer's eyes were 'true believers' and adherents to Saddam's regime. 686 The CPA's second order (CPAO2), or the 'Dissolution of Entities,' was issued to dissolve all defense, intelligence and related organizations within the Iraqi government. In practice, its purpose was to disband the Iraqi Army which included the Republican Guard, Navy and Air Force, and to dissolve the Defense and Information Ministries.…”

Section: Individual Levelmentioning

confidence: 99%

State Fragility and International Security: The Rise of Salafi-Jihadi Groups in a World of Fragile States

Ibrahimi¹

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Since the end of the Cold War, extremist Islamism has become a focal point of international security debate in academic and policy research. Much of the existing literature on Salafi-Jihadi Groups (SJGs), conventionally known as terrorist groups, examines the root causes of the emergence of these groups through the lens of three levels: individual, group, and international levels. Thus, individual extremists' desire for jihad, Islamism as a group ideology, and the sole great power's post-Cold War policies in the Middle East are considered as the three dominant root causes of the emergence of SJGs in the literature. If these three causal determinants are to hold, it begs the question of why SJGs do not emerge in every Muslim majority country where these elements persist. Why, for instance, did individual jihadis' personal desire for transnational jihad, Islamist ideology, and the US post-Cold War policies produce SJGs in Afghanistan and the post-Saddam Hussein Iraq but not in Saudi Arabia and Qatar? What factor, then, is responsible for this contradictory outcome in countries which in terms of the presence of the root cause of SJGs are similar? Taking these questions into account, I consider the degree of state fragility countries to be responsible for this contradictory outcome. This dissertation examines state fragility as a condition, but not a direct cause, of the rise of SJGs. It engages with a three-decade-long debate on the relationship between state fragility and terrorism and examines the empirical findings through the lens of international relations, international security, and development theories.

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US Blunders in Iraq: De-Baathification and Disbanding the Army

Cited by 29 publications

References 0 publications

Bureaucratic Politicization, Partisan Attachments, and the Limits of Public Agency Legitimacy: The Venezuelan Armed Forces under Chavismo

Bureaucratic Politicization, Partisan Attachments, and the Limits of Public Agency Legitimacy: The Venezuelan Armed Forces under Chavismo

Kill Boxes: Facing the Legacy of US-Sponsored Torture, Indefinite Detention, and Drone Warfare

State Fragility and International Security: The Rise of Salafi-Jihadi Groups in a World of Fragile States

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